<?xml version='1.0' encoding='UTF-8'?><?xml-stylesheet href="http://www.blogger.com/styles/atom.css" type="text/css"?><feed xmlns='http://www.w3.org/2005/Atom' xmlns:openSearch='http://a9.com/-/spec/opensearchrss/1.0/' xmlns:georss='http://www.georss.org/georss' xmlns:gd='http://schemas.google.com/g/2005' xmlns:thr='http://purl.org/syndication/thread/1.0'><id>tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8328808403424165981</id><updated>2011-10-04T15:34:12.567-07:00</updated><title type='text'>MAPH FIX University</title><subtitle type='html'></subtitle><link rel='http://schemas.google.com/g/2005#feed' type='application/atom+xml' href='http://fixcentenario.blogspot.com/feeds/posts/default'/><link rel='self' type='application/atom+xml' href='http://www.blogger.com/feeds/8328808403424165981/posts/default?max-results=100'/><link rel='alternate' type='text/html' href='http://fixcentenario.blogspot.com/'/><link rel='hub' href='http://pubsubhubbub.appspot.com/'/><link rel='next' type='application/atom+xml' href='http://www.blogger.com/feeds/8328808403424165981/posts/default?start-index=101&amp;max-results=100'/><author><name>education</name><uri>http://www.blogger.com/profile/12343022453805740638</uri><email>noreply@blogger.com</email><gd:image rel='http://schemas.google.com/g/2005#thumbnail' width='16' height='16' src='http://img2.blogblog.com/img/b16-rounded.gif'/></author><generator version='7.00' uri='http://www.blogger.com'>Blogger</generator><openSearch:totalResults>493</openSearch:totalResults><openSearch:startIndex>1</openSearch:startIndex><openSearch:itemsPerPage>100</openSearch:itemsPerPage><entry><id>tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8328808403424165981.post-4598135692060536231</id><published>2009-07-23T09:31:00.000-07:00</published><updated>2009-07-23T09:39:53.885-07:00</updated><title type='text'>PhD Art History 2009/20010 &amp; 2010/2011</title><content type='html'>&lt;a href="http://phdfixuniversity.blogspot.com/"&gt;&lt;img style="TEXT-ALIGN: center; MARGIN: 0px auto 10px; WIDTH: 378px; DISPLAY: block; HEIGHT: 400px; CURSOR: hand" id="BLOGGER_PHOTO_ID_5361695400808791970" border="0" alt="" src="http://3.bp.blogspot.com/_7gs5rijiugg/SmiRjz8Nv6I/AAAAAAAAAAg/QQNF2PtOgpo/s400/1.jpg" /&gt;&lt;/a&gt;&lt;div class="blogger-post-footer"&gt;&lt;img width='1' height='1' src='https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/tracker/8328808403424165981-4598135692060536231?l=fixcentenario.blogspot.com' alt='' /&gt;&lt;/div&gt;</content><link rel='replies' type='application/atom+xml' href='http://fixcentenario.blogspot.com/feeds/4598135692060536231/comments/default' title='Post Comments'/><link rel='replies' type='text/html' href='http://www.blogger.com/comment.g?blogID=8328808403424165981&amp;postID=4598135692060536231' title='38 Comments'/><link rel='edit' type='application/atom+xml' href='http://www.blogger.com/feeds/8328808403424165981/posts/default/4598135692060536231'/><link rel='self' type='application/atom+xml' href='http://www.blogger.com/feeds/8328808403424165981/posts/default/4598135692060536231'/><link rel='alternate' type='text/html' href='http://fixcentenario.blogspot.com/2009/07/phd-art-history-200920010-20102011.html' title='PhD Art History 2009/20010 &amp; 2010/2011'/><author><name>education</name><uri>http://www.blogger.com/profile/12343022453805740638</uri><email>noreply@blogger.com</email><gd:image rel='http://schemas.google.com/g/2005#thumbnail' width='16' height='16' src='http://img2.blogblog.com/img/b16-rounded.gif'/></author><media:thumbnail xmlns:media='http://search.yahoo.com/mrss/' url='http://3.bp.blogspot.com/_7gs5rijiugg/SmiRjz8Nv6I/AAAAAAAAAAg/QQNF2PtOgpo/s72-c/1.jpg' height='72' width='72'/><thr:total>38</thr:total></entry><entry><id>tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8328808403424165981.post-8103716380274087724</id><published>2009-07-22T18:57:00.001-07:00</published><updated>2009-07-22T19:06:54.675-07:00</updated><title type='text'>Wittgenstein</title><content type='html'>Is 'Wittgenstein' a Family Resemblance Term?&lt;br /&gt;Just published:The House of Wittgenstein by Alexander Waugh, a book that focuses on Ludwig Wittgenstein's brother Paul who, during Ludwig's lifetime, was better known than the philosopher: he had a successful career as a one-armed concert pianist (he lost his right arm in the First World War but went on to commission concertos for left hand from many of the greatest composers of his day including Ravel, Prokoviev and Benjamin Britten). Like his philosopher brother, Paul was not easily deterred nor ready to compromise.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;It is interesting to read that Ludwig's extended family were rather embarrassed by his success as a philosopher - many of them thought the world had been taken in by a clown.&lt;div class="blogger-post-footer"&gt;&lt;img width='1' height='1' src='https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/tracker/8328808403424165981-8103716380274087724?l=fixcentenario.blogspot.com' alt='' /&gt;&lt;/div&gt;</content><link rel='replies' type='application/atom+xml' href='http://fixcentenario.blogspot.com/feeds/8103716380274087724/comments/default' title='Post Comments'/><link rel='replies' type='text/html' href='http://www.blogger.com/comment.g?blogID=8328808403424165981&amp;postID=8103716380274087724' title='1 Comments'/><link rel='edit' type='application/atom+xml' href='http://www.blogger.com/feeds/8328808403424165981/posts/default/8103716380274087724'/><link rel='self' type='application/atom+xml' href='http://www.blogger.com/feeds/8328808403424165981/posts/default/8103716380274087724'/><link rel='alternate' type='text/html' href='http://fixcentenario.blogspot.com/2009/07/wittgenstein_9348.html' title='Wittgenstein'/><author><name>education</name><uri>http://www.blogger.com/profile/12343022453805740638</uri><email>noreply@blogger.com</email><gd:image rel='http://schemas.google.com/g/2005#thumbnail' width='16' height='16' src='http://img2.blogblog.com/img/b16-rounded.gif'/></author><thr:total>1</thr:total></entry><entry><id>tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8328808403424165981.post-3553752521329170108</id><published>2009-07-22T18:57:00.000-07:00</published><updated>2009-07-22T19:01:18.599-07:00</updated><title type='text'>Wittgenstein</title><content type='html'>Three basic models of secular Jewish culture.(Report)&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Publication: Israel Studies&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Publication Date: 22-SEP-08&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Author: Jobani, Yuval &lt;br /&gt; &lt;br /&gt;Ads by Google&lt;br /&gt; &lt;br /&gt;Sales Agency Agreement Get Sales Agency Agreement Form No Need To Hire Anyone! Free Demo.&lt;br /&gt; &lt;br /&gt; &lt;br /&gt;How to access the full article: Free access to all articles is available courtesy of your local library. To access the full article click the "See the full article" button below. You will need your US library  barcode or password. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;COPYRIGHT 2008 Indiana University Press &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;INTRODUCTION &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;THE ENCYCLOPEDIA, NEW JEWISH TIME: Jewish Culture in a Secular Age (1) is the highlight of the intensive, comprehensive, and relentless preoccupation of contemporary secular Jewish culture with defining itself. This encyclopedia endeavors to present a panoramic documentation of the individuals, the movements, the works, and the institutions that left their mark on this culture in the past two hundred years. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;This project not only documents the past but also reflects the present and delineates the future horizons of secular Jewish culture from the viewpoint of the project's participants. The educational goal is presented in the foreword by Yair Tsaban who initiated this project:&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;It is incumbent upon a public that defines itself as secular to learn the meaning of secularity and how the processes of modernization and secularization occurred in our people and in other peoples. (2) &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Be that what it may, Secular Jewish cultural education, must first require a thorough examination of the term "secular Jewish culture", which is elucidated in the introductory essay by the chief editor Yirmiyahu Yovel. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;I argue that the term "secular Jewish culture" cannot be reduced to a single essence, for it extends the category of family and in a family nothing is discernible beyond a complicated web of interwoven similarities amounting to what Wittgenstein termed "a family resemblance". As in any large family, secular Jewish culture has branches corresponding to clusters of attributes, or shared patterns. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;DEFINING SECULAR JEWISH CULTURE &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Secular Jewish culture is one of the offshoots of the secularization of Western culture in the modern era. However, this offshoot is unique and complex not only due to the exceptional status of Jews in Western culture, but also for the ancient traditional dominance of the Jewish religion over Jewish identity. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The term "secularization", in its narrow sense as a terminus technicus, denotes the process of transferring some particular thing from the sacred sphere to the non-sacred sphere, that of the world (the saeculum). Beyond the narrow legal-ecclesiastical sense, this term is used to denote &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;a process of freeing politics and culture from the guardianship of the medieval Catholic Church and a process whereby values, norms, types of authority, behavior and knowledge become independent of those sanctified by the medieval Church and of the sphere of faith and transcendence ... this term signifies the core essence of modernity as the Church's and the Catholic faith's hegemony over all aspects of society characterized the core essence of medieval times. (3) &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The terms "Jewish culture" and its modern offspring "secular Jewish culture" resist any rigid formal definition that might bind them within restrictive necessary and sufficient conditions. We must make do with what Wittgenstein termed a "family resemblance" between "a complicated network of similarities overlapping and criss-crossing." (4) Even if we were to accept Yovel's broader and more generous definition of a Jew, "A personal preoccupation with the question of Jewishness is a natural and sufficient indication that one is Jewish" (I. xvii) and further accept his general definition of culture as denoting "all that human beings jointly create, and that, in turn, contributes to their interpretation of the world and to their interrelationships". (5) We would not then be able to argue that every cultural creation created by Jews (whether religious or secular, according to one definition or another) is part of that culture, whatever the precise content of that culture. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;No one would argue that Einstein's theory of relativity is part of (even secular) Jewish culture, whereas all would agree that...&lt;div class="blogger-post-footer"&gt;&lt;img width='1' height='1' src='https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/tracker/8328808403424165981-3553752521329170108?l=fixcentenario.blogspot.com' alt='' /&gt;&lt;/div&gt;</content><link rel='replies' type='application/atom+xml' href='http://fixcentenario.blogspot.com/feeds/3553752521329170108/comments/default' title='Post Comments'/><link rel='replies' type='text/html' href='http://www.blogger.com/comment.g?blogID=8328808403424165981&amp;postID=3553752521329170108' title='0 Comments'/><link rel='edit' type='application/atom+xml' href='http://www.blogger.com/feeds/8328808403424165981/posts/default/3553752521329170108'/><link rel='self' type='application/atom+xml' href='http://www.blogger.com/feeds/8328808403424165981/posts/default/3553752521329170108'/><link rel='alternate' type='text/html' href='http://fixcentenario.blogspot.com/2009/07/wittgenstein_2933.html' title='Wittgenstein'/><author><name>education</name><uri>http://www.blogger.com/profile/12343022453805740638</uri><email>noreply@blogger.com</email><gd:image rel='http://schemas.google.com/g/2005#thumbnail' width='16' height='16' src='http://img2.blogblog.com/img/b16-rounded.gif'/></author><thr:total>0</thr:total></entry><entry><id>tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8328808403424165981.post-1778261350865481541</id><published>2009-07-22T18:55:00.000-07:00</published><updated>2009-07-22T18:57:40.814-07:00</updated><title type='text'>Urban Social Processes</title><content type='html'>New Culture-Oriented Economic Development Trajectories: The Case Study of Four Dutch Cities&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Introduction&lt;br /&gt;Cities spend more and more in cultural programmes and large infrastructure projects, seeking competitive and sustainable growth: urban landmarks influencing the image and the attractiveness of the city for private investments, but also platforms for the “new creative class” and stimuli to social integration through self-reflection and cultural inclusion. However, there is uncertainty about the returns of such investments. Moreover, seed-funding creativity and cultural dynamism is a complex issue, as traditional institutions and policy approaches are hardly able to come to terms with fuzzy, anarchist social structures. &lt;br /&gt;Description&lt;br /&gt;Culture is a key ingredient of post-industrial, information-intensive economic activity. Cultureoriented economic development (COED) is emerging as a dominant paradigm, integrating the symbolic and creative elements into any aspect of the urban economy, pursuing distinction, innovativeness, and a higher level of interaction between localised individual and collective knowledge and globalising markets.&lt;br /&gt;This article presents a dynamic analysis of the effects of culture on the economic development trajectories of European cities. It may contribute to shed more light on the relevance of cultural industries for spatial development, addressing issues such as: cultural endowment, identity and urban competitiveness; dispersed vs. concentration; cultural participation and social inclusion.&lt;br /&gt;The analysis uses data collected within the ESPON project 1.3.3 and other information of qualitative and quantitative nature collected by EURICUR in occasion of a study of a sample of European cities. In this paper we present the investigation conducted in the three largest Dutch cities, Amsterdam, Rotterdam and the Hague, which are part of the city-region of the Randstand, and the fifth largest Dutch city, Eindhoven, one the most important economic and educational centres in the Netherlands.&lt;br /&gt;Background information&lt;br /&gt;The Working Paper Series is available online only. For editorial correspondence, please contact: wp.dse@unive.it.&lt;br /&gt;Knowledge dissemination&lt;br /&gt;This article is published as a Working Paper of the Department of Economics of the Ca ’ Foscari University of Venice (No. 35/WP/2006).&lt;br /&gt;Conclusions&lt;br /&gt;This study set out to propose a theoretical framework to interpret and possibly steer culture-oriented urban development: the COED model.&lt;br /&gt;The comparative analysis of the four cities confirms some of the intuitions of the COED model. In cities where a certain number of “cultural clusters” have emerged, the urban economy has been structurally modified towards the symbolic. Cultural clusters have become – to varying extents, according to the characteristics, location and governance structures of such clusters – catalysts of a wholesome creative economy, involving a higher attractiveness for tourists, skilled talents, and ultimately for knowledge- intensive enterprises in search of an innovative climate and high levels of quality of life.&lt;br /&gt;However, culture-oriented economic development is subject to strong endogeneity, modifying continuously the original conditions that make places culturally rich and viable as creative hubs. COED is potentially short-lived and may bring to irreversible changes in the urban environment: the erosion of social capital, the dispersion in space of cultural activities and the consequent decreasing of clustering effects, and ultimately the fading of local cultural identity and “uniqueness”. Urban policy should be careful to accompany the COED process making sure that these limits are never reached. Physical and cultural planning, social and educational policies, infrastructure projects and the implementation of innovative forms of governance and networking may achieve these objectives, but the policy context is made fuzzier and more complex by the unconventional nature of economic and social processes underlying cultural activities and creative production. The development of a cultural industry may follow fast cyclic patterns and be “erratic” in space, but as long as creative talents are attracted to the city, and the spatialeconomic conditions (possibly supported by targeted area policies or entrepreneurial support) allow the sedimentation of a critical mass of organisations and businesses characterised by the typical traits of the “cluster economy”, cultural production will emerge and stay as a driver for urban economic development.&lt;br /&gt;The four cities have been assessed and benchmarked against the development of this model. We find that some cities have progressed more than others to develop their cultural sectors into full catalysts for economic growth, in the case of Amsterdam the limits which would modify the conditions for sustainable development are close: gentrification and changes in social mix, loss of spatial centrality in creative production sectors, lack of alternative development locations, erosion of cultural identity and character. In the other cities (Rotterdam, Eindhoven, The Hague), COED is limited to internal growth of a limited number of cultural sectors and clusters, missing to affect substantially the development opportunities for other economic sectors by influencing their innovativeness and location potentials. A number of policy recommendations for a sustained COED leading to increased urban competitiveness as well as plenty of illustrations from best practices and common mistakes are given. Funding schemes for cultural activity were taken into consideration as well as programs of social inclusion through cultural education, cultural infrastructure policy, and innovative governance models, looking at interesting initiatives taken in the four cities in our study.&lt;br /&gt;Contact info&lt;br /&gt;Ca’ Foscari University of Venice - Department of Economics&lt;br /&gt;Cannaregio 873, Fondamenta S.Giobbe&lt;br /&gt;30121 Venice&lt;br /&gt;Italy&lt;br /&gt;Phone: +39 041 2349135&lt;br /&gt;Fax: +39 041 2349176&lt;br /&gt;Jan van der Borg&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Publication date&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;/06/2006&lt;br /&gt;Researcher&lt;br /&gt;Antonio Russo and Jan van der Borg&lt;br /&gt;Article info&lt;br /&gt;ISSN: 1827-336X&lt;div class="blogger-post-footer"&gt;&lt;img width='1' height='1' src='https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/tracker/8328808403424165981-1778261350865481541?l=fixcentenario.blogspot.com' alt='' /&gt;&lt;/div&gt;</content><link rel='replies' type='application/atom+xml' href='http://fixcentenario.blogspot.com/feeds/1778261350865481541/comments/default' title='Post Comments'/><link rel='replies' type='text/html' href='http://www.blogger.com/comment.g?blogID=8328808403424165981&amp;postID=1778261350865481541' title='0 Comments'/><link rel='edit' type='application/atom+xml' href='http://www.blogger.com/feeds/8328808403424165981/posts/default/1778261350865481541'/><link rel='self' type='application/atom+xml' href='http://www.blogger.com/feeds/8328808403424165981/posts/default/1778261350865481541'/><link rel='alternate' type='text/html' href='http://fixcentenario.blogspot.com/2009/07/urban-social-processes_2294.html' title='Urban Social Processes'/><author><name>education</name><uri>http://www.blogger.com/profile/12343022453805740638</uri><email>noreply@blogger.com</email><gd:image rel='http://schemas.google.com/g/2005#thumbnail' width='16' height='16' src='http://img2.blogblog.com/img/b16-rounded.gif'/></author><thr:total>0</thr:total></entry><entry><id>tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8328808403424165981.post-2993556225091529215</id><published>2009-07-22T18:52:00.000-07:00</published><updated>2009-07-22T18:55:22.296-07:00</updated><title type='text'>Social Theory</title><content type='html'>NYT - Toward a Unified Theory of Black America &lt;br /&gt;More from the New York Times: Toward a Unified Theory of Black America, from Stephen J. Dubner.  Interesting article about Economist Roland G. Fryer, an assistant professor at Harvard who has some pretty outspoken views.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;"I want to have an honest discussion about race in a time and a place where I don't think we can,'' he says. ''Blacks and whites are both to blame.  As soon as you say something like, 'Well, could the black-white test-score gap be genetics?' everybody gets tensed up.  But why shouldn't that be on the table?''&lt;br /&gt;In addition to quoting Fryer's controversial views, Dubner's article itself has some:&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The very issue of black-white inequality has, in recent years, been practically driven from public view.  But according to the data that Fryer lives with, the inequality itself hasn't gone away.  There have been countless distractions -- wars, economic gyrations, political turmoil -- and, perhaps just as significantly, fatigue.  The proven voices and standard ideologies have lost much of their power.&lt;br /&gt;Interesting especially in view of the Larry Summers flap, wherein the president of Harvard wondered aloud if genetics might explain why women are underrepresented in the sciences.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;I'm not sure what is more interesting, Fryer, or the fact that the Times ran this article...&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The New York Times &gt; Magazine &gt; Toward a Unified Theory of Black... http://www.nytimes.com/2005/03/20/magazine/20HARVARD.html?inc...&lt;br /&gt;1 of 9 3/21/2005 7:07 AM&lt;br /&gt;March 20, 2005&lt;br /&gt;Toward a Unified Theory of Black America&lt;br /&gt;By STEPHEN J. DUBNER&lt;br /&gt;oland G. Fryer Jr. is 27 years old and he is an assistant professor of economics at Harvard and he is black.&lt;br /&gt;Yes, 27 is young to be any kind of professor anywhere. But after what might charitably be called a slow&lt;br /&gt;start in the scholarly life, Fryer has been in a big hurry to catch up. He was in fact only 25 when he went on the&lt;br /&gt;job market, gaining offers from -- well, just about everywhere. He abruptly ended his job search by accepting&lt;br /&gt;an invitation to join the Society of Fellows at Harvard, one of academia's most prestigious research posts. This&lt;br /&gt;meant he wouldn't be teaching anywhere for three years. The Harvard economics department told Fryer to take&lt;br /&gt;its offer anyway; he could have an office and defer his teaching obligation until the fellowship was done.&lt;br /&gt;Now that he is halfway through his fellowship, the quality and breadth of Fryer's research have surprised even&lt;br /&gt;his champions. ''As a pure technical economic theorist, he's of the first rate,'' says Lawrence Katz, a prominent&lt;br /&gt;labor economist at Harvard. ''But what's really incredible is that he's also much more of a broad social theorist&lt;br /&gt;-- talking to psychologists, sociologists, behavioral geneticists -- and the ideas he comes up with aren't the 'let's&lt;br /&gt;take the standard economic model and push a little harder' ideas. He makes you think of Nathan Glazer or&lt;br /&gt;William Julius Wilson, but with economic rigor.'' Henry Louis Gates Jr., the Harvard humanities scholar, says&lt;br /&gt;that Fryer is ''destined to be a star. I mean, he's a star already, just a baby star. I think he'll raise the analysis of&lt;br /&gt;the African-American experience to new levels of rigor and bring economics into the mainstream area of&lt;br /&gt;inquiry within the broader field of African-American studies.''&lt;br /&gt;When he presents a paper, Fryer is earnest and genial and excitable, sometimes carrying on like a Southern&lt;br /&gt;preacher. While he denies that his work is united by a grand thesis -- he is a scientist, he explains, devoted to&lt;br /&gt;squeezing truths from the data, wherever that may lead -- he does admit to having a mission: ''I basically want&lt;br /&gt;to figure out where blacks went wrong. One could rattle off all the statistics about blacks not doing so well.&lt;br /&gt;You can look at the black-white differential in out-of-wedlock births or infant mortality or life expectancy.&lt;br /&gt;Blacks are the worst-performing ethnic group on SAT's. Blacks earn less than whites. They are still just not&lt;br /&gt;doing well, period.''&lt;br /&gt;To Fryer, the language of economics, a field proud of its coldblooded rationalism, is ideally suited for&lt;br /&gt;otherwise volatile conversations. ''I want to have an honest discussion about race in a time and a place where I&lt;br /&gt;don't think we can,'' he says. ''Blacks and whites are both to blame. As soon as you say something like, 'Well,&lt;br /&gt;could the black-white test-score gap be genetics?' everybody gets tensed up. But why shouldn't that be on the&lt;br /&gt;table?''&lt;br /&gt;Fryer said this several months ago, which was well before Lawrence H. Summers, the president of Harvard,&lt;br /&gt;wondered aloud if genetics might help explain why women are so underrepresented in the sciences. Summers&lt;br /&gt;-- who is also an economist and a fan of Fryer's work -- is still being punished for his musings. There is a key&lt;br /&gt;difference, of course: Summers is not a woman; Fryer is black.&lt;br /&gt;Fryer well appreciates that he can raise questions that most white scholars wouldn't dare. His collaborators,&lt;br /&gt;most of whom are white, appreciate this, too. ''Absolutely, there's an insulation effect,'' says the Harvard&lt;br /&gt;economist Edward L. Glaeser. ''There's no question that working with Roland is somewhat liberating.''&lt;br /&gt;The New York Times &gt; Magazine &gt; Toward a Unified Theory of Black... http://www.nytimes.com/2005/03/20/magazine/20HARVARD.html?inc...&lt;br /&gt;2 of 9 3/21/2005 7:07 AM&lt;br /&gt;Glaeser and Fryer, along with David M. Cutler, another Harvard economist, are the authors of a paper that&lt;br /&gt;traffics in one form of genetic theorizing. It addresses the six-year disparity in life expectancy for blacks versus&lt;br /&gt;whites, arguing that much of the gap is due to a single factor: a higher rate of salt sensitivity among&lt;br /&gt;African-Americans, which leads to higher rates of cardiovascular disease, stroke and kidney disease.&lt;br /&gt;Fryer's notion that there might be a genetic predisposition at work was heightened when he came across a&lt;br /&gt;period illustration that seemed to show a slave trader in Africa licking the face of a prospective slave. The&lt;br /&gt;ocean voyage from Africa to America was so gruesome that as many as 15 percent of the Africans died en&lt;br /&gt;route, mainly from illnesses that led to dehydration. A person with a higher capacity for salt retention might&lt;br /&gt;also retain more water and thus increase his chance of surviving.&lt;br /&gt;So it may have been that a slave trader would try to select, with a lick to the cheek, the ''saltier'' Africans.&lt;br /&gt;Whether selected by the slavers or by nature, the Africans who did manage to survive the voyage -- and who&lt;br /&gt;then formed the gene pool of modern African-Americans -- may have been disproportionately marked by&lt;br /&gt;hypertension. Cutler, a pre-eminent health economist, admits that he thought Fryer's idea was ''absolutely&lt;br /&gt;crazy'' at first. (Although the link between the slave trade and hypertension had been raised in medical&lt;br /&gt;literature, even Cutler wasn't aware of it.) But once they started looking at the data, the theory began to seem&lt;br /&gt;plausible.&lt;br /&gt;Fryer has published only a handful of papers so far, all of them written with senior colleagues. A bet on Fryer&lt;br /&gt;is, at this point, a bet on potential. But his voice is bold enough to have drawn critics already. Some black&lt;br /&gt;economists say he is simply too hard on blacks. ''Part of his work tries to dismiss the influence of racism,'' says&lt;br /&gt;William Darity Jr., who teaches at Duke and the University of North Carolina. Darity points to ''An Economic&lt;br /&gt;Analysis of 'Acting White,''' a paper in which Fryer explores the mechanism by which high-achieving black&lt;br /&gt;students may be antagonized, and held back, by their low-achieving peers. ''The inclination to look for an&lt;br /&gt;explanation based on some sort of group-based dysfunctionality is an instinct I don't have,'' Darity says.&lt;br /&gt;While most of Fryer's colleagues consider him blazingly smart, he constantly belittles his own intellect. ''I have&lt;br /&gt;to think hard when somebody says, 'World War I,' because I don't know what years those were,'' he says. ''But I&lt;br /&gt;work hard, harder than anyone. That's what I can control.'' Last summer, he told me he was vexed by the sight&lt;br /&gt;of a silver Volkswagen Jetta in the parking lot outside his office. It was there when he showed up every&lt;br /&gt;morning, and it was still there when he left at night. Weeks later, he sent me a relieved e-mail message: ''The&lt;br /&gt;Jetta was not working harder than me -- rather, they were on vacation.''&lt;br /&gt;He works so hard because his career goal is so audacious. Fryer's heroes are not contemporary economists like&lt;br /&gt;Glenn Loury or James Heckman or Gary Becker, even though he admires their work on racial issues and has&lt;br /&gt;been mentored by all three of them. Nor are his models the estimable crowd of Afro-American scholars&lt;br /&gt;assembled at Harvard by Gates, who happens to be Fryer's next-door neighbor. There is only one forebear&lt;br /&gt;whom Fryer aspires to emulate: W.E.B. DuBois, the fiercely interdisciplinary black scholar and writer who&lt;br /&gt;helped to pioneer the field of ethnography. ''The problem of the 20th century,'' DuBois said, presciently, in&lt;br /&gt;1900, ''is the problem of the color line.''&lt;br /&gt;In Fryer's view, DuBois alone had the appetite to rigorously round up the facts and concepts and emotions that&lt;br /&gt;constitute race and then crack them open one by one. Separated by a century, their missions are identical: to&lt;br /&gt;study -- and maybe even help fix -- the condition of being black in America.&lt;br /&gt;met Fryer just over a year ago through a collaborator we share, the economist Steven D. Levitt of the&lt;br /&gt;University of Chicago. One paper that Fryer and Levitt wrote suggested that the gap in early test scores&lt;br /&gt;between black and white schoolchildren is largely caused by the fact that most black children attend worse&lt;br /&gt;schools. The second paper, a sort of sequel to Fryer's work on ''acting white,'' explored the rift between black&lt;br /&gt;The New York Times &gt; Magazine &gt; Toward a Unified Theory of Black... http://www.nytimes.com/2005/03/20/magazine/20HARVARD.html?inc...&lt;br /&gt;3 of 9 3/21/2005 7:07 AM&lt;br /&gt;and white cultures, asking in particular whether black parents who give their children a name like DeShawn or&lt;br /&gt;Imani hinder their children's career prospects.&lt;br /&gt;In person, Fryer gives the appearance of coming from a middle-class background, some kind of Cosby kid all&lt;br /&gt;grown up. But as I spent more time with him, it became obvious that that wasn't remotely the case. He began to&lt;br /&gt;tell me stories about his past that -- although I didn't know it then -- he didn't share with people in his ''new&lt;br /&gt;life,'' as he called it. It was unclear why he had finally decided to talk, and to me. It may have been that the&lt;br /&gt;project that brought Fryer, Levitt and me together was the sort of grisly work -- a research project concerning&lt;br /&gt;the inner workings of the Ku Klux Klan -- that tends to produce a bond. It may have been that he was simply&lt;br /&gt;weary of holding the two chapters in his life so far apart. Regardless, I soon became as fascinated with Fryer's&lt;br /&gt;life as I was impressed with his work.&lt;br /&gt;One morning, as we sat on a bench in Central Park in New York, he talked about his childhood in Daytona&lt;br /&gt;Beach, Fla. When he was a boy, he sometimes lived there with his grandmother Farrise, whom the family&lt;br /&gt;called Fat. She was a schoolteacher and a disciplinarian. But Fat's sister Ernestine, who lived nearby, ran a&lt;br /&gt;looser household, and Fryer preferred to hang out there. His older cousins had gold teeth and gold jewelry and,&lt;br /&gt;always, the latest Karl Kani track suits, in maroon or bright red, with matching suede Champion sneakers. On&lt;br /&gt;the weekends, Ernestine's husband, Lacey, cooked up a batch of pancakes. Lacey was a retired postal worker&lt;br /&gt;and a past president of the local N.A.A.C.P. chapter.&lt;br /&gt;At the same time, Lacey and Ernestine and some of their children were running one of the biggest crack gangs&lt;br /&gt;in the area. They would drive down to Miami to buy cocaine and then turn it into crack in their kitchen. As a&lt;br /&gt;boy, Fryer used to watch. In a frying pan -- the same one Lacey used for pancakes -- they mixed the powdered&lt;br /&gt;cocaine with water and baking soda, then cooked off the liquid until all that remained were the little white&lt;br /&gt;rocks. The family processed and sold as much as two kilograms of cocaine a week.&lt;br /&gt;One day when Fryer was planning to visit Lacey and Ernestine -- Ernestine told him she would be making pork&lt;br /&gt;chops -- he decided to stop by the dog track first. He wasn't old enough to bet, but he loved to watch the&lt;br /&gt;greyhounds run. When he got to his aunt's house, it was surrounded by federal agents. Almost everyone in the&lt;br /&gt;family was sent to prison. Lacey got a 30-year sentence and died in prison; Ernestine was sentenced to a little&lt;br /&gt;more than three years. Fryer's favorite cousin, Wendy, got a long term; his cousin Vaughn got a shorter&lt;br /&gt;sentence, but upon his release he went back to selling crack and was murdered.&lt;br /&gt;Fryer loved Vaughn and Wendy. ''They seemed like pretty decent people,'' he said. ''If you had put them in the&lt;br /&gt;schools that a lot of these people came up in'' -- here he gestured toward the apartment buildings that border&lt;br /&gt;Central Park -- ''they probably would have been fine.''&lt;br /&gt;How many of his close family members, I asked him, had either died young or spent time in prison? He did a&lt;br /&gt;quick count: 8 of 10. ''Suppose you can separate people into two camps: geneticists and environmentalists,'' he&lt;br /&gt;said. ''Coming up where I came up, it's hard not to be an environmentalist.''&lt;br /&gt;As a graduate student, Fryer was enamored with the most theoretical realm of economics, studying arcane&lt;br /&gt;mathematical questions that kept him a safe distance from his past. But he has since crossed over to the&lt;br /&gt;empirical side of his science, which emphasizes real-world information. Most of his current projects involve&lt;br /&gt;huge troves of data that he is able to dissect with a particularly knowing eye. While this work may play more to&lt;br /&gt;his strengths, it also requires him to revisit his background in a manner that is anything but theoretical.&lt;br /&gt;He is writing one paper about mixed-race children (trying to tease out the influence of environment versus&lt;br /&gt;genes), another about historically black colleges (he suspects that graduates might pay for their racial loyalty in&lt;br /&gt;the form of lower career earnings, but are in general happier) and another tentatively titled ''Bling-Bling''&lt;br /&gt;The New York Times &gt; Magazine &gt; Toward a Unified Theory of Black... http://www.nytimes.com/2005/03/20/magazine/20HARVARD.html?inc...&lt;br /&gt;4 of 9 3/21/2005 7:07 AM&lt;br /&gt;(which, he says, ''explores the consumption patterns of blacks versus whites''). There are also papers on&lt;br /&gt;colorblind affirmative action and the devastating impact of crack cocaine on black Americans. In addition to&lt;br /&gt;his economics-department office, he maintains another office at the Society of Fellows and a third at the&lt;br /&gt;National Bureau of Economic Research; he keeps at least seven research assistants busy. Claudia Goldin, an&lt;br /&gt;economist colleague at Harvard, is among those who marvel at Fryer's creativity and his energy. ''You're&lt;br /&gt;running a factory,'' she told him.&lt;br /&gt;His most ambitious project, which grew out of his belief in the power of environment, is an experiment&lt;br /&gt;designed to see if incentives can inspire minority students to improve their grades. For all the talk about&lt;br /&gt;education reform, Fryer says, he feels that one party is being overlooked: the students themselves. ''I'm troubled&lt;br /&gt;by the fact we're treating kids as inanimate objects,'' he says. ''They have behavior, too. They respond to&lt;br /&gt;incentives, too.''&lt;br /&gt;Fryer recently ran a pilot experiment with third graders at P.S. 70 in the Bronx. If a child achieved a certain&lt;br /&gt;score on her reading test or improved by a certain percentage, she got a small prize. In some classrooms, every&lt;br /&gt;student competed for herself; in others, each kid was assigned to a group of five. Fryer is trying to find out&lt;br /&gt;whether the individual or group incentives work better. He suspects the latter -- ''because no stigma of being&lt;br /&gt;the smartest kid applies.'' But the P.S. 70 data was inconclusive.&lt;br /&gt;At a dinner party held by Larry Summers, Fryer met Joel Klein, the chancellor of New York's public schools,&lt;br /&gt;and explained his project to him. Klein asked Fryer if he might be interested in expanding his incentive&lt;br /&gt;experiment into 15 or so low-achieving schools. At P.S. 70, the rewards had been pizza parties or field trips.&lt;br /&gt;This time around, Fryer planned to give cash -- $10 per good test for third graders and $20 for seventh graders.&lt;br /&gt;Now it was time to sell the idea to the principals of those 15 schools.&lt;br /&gt;On a Tuesday afternoon in October, Fryer met the principals in the library of an elementary school in Harlem.&lt;br /&gt;All but one of them were black. Fryer usually wears Polo jeans, a button-down shirt and chunky black shoes.&lt;br /&gt;Today he was dressed for church, maybe even the pulpit: charcoal Brooks Brothers suit, crisp white shirt, black&lt;br /&gt;Cole Haans and a dazzling tie of white and mauve checks. He began by reciting a list of statistics that&lt;br /&gt;illuminate the gulf between blacks and whites. ''These facts bother me,'' he said. ''The achievement gap is not&lt;br /&gt;only disturbing; it's alarming. I'm here to try to understand and close the achievement gap.''&lt;br /&gt;The principals began to grill him. Even if the kids do respond to the cash incentives, one principal asked, what&lt;br /&gt;happens next year, when they aren't getting paid? Won't students in other grades be resentful? What will&lt;br /&gt;parents think when their kids start receiving cash in the mail every few weeks?&lt;br /&gt;Fryer addressed each issue as best he could. But one question kept coming back at him: if we start paying&lt;br /&gt;students to test well, aren't we sending the message that learning is not its own reward? Although the exchange&lt;br /&gt;flustered him, Fryer had by meeting's end persuaded the principals to take part. Afterward, though, he took no&lt;br /&gt;joy in his success. He knew there were still plenty of bureaucratic hurdles ahead. What's more, he is not given&lt;br /&gt;to bragging. Typically, the first words out of his mouth after any presentation are ''they hated it.''&lt;br /&gt;Long ago, Fryer made a vow that he would always be so hard on himself that it wouldn't hurt when others were&lt;br /&gt;hard on him. He told me this one night at his house in Cambridge. He and wife, Lisa, a graduate student in&lt;br /&gt;elementary education, were showing me his childhood photo album. It was one of the saddest photo albums&lt;br /&gt;you will ever see. A few baby pictures, then a picture from Pee Wee football and then . . . nothing until&lt;br /&gt;high-school graduation. Where was Roland Fryer during all those years? Or, really, where were the people who&lt;br /&gt;should have been snapping pictures of him?&lt;br /&gt;His full name is Roland Gehrard Fryer Jr. Two years ago, as he was entering the job market, the name suddenly&lt;br /&gt;The New York Times &gt; Magazine &gt; Toward a Unified Theory of Black... http://www.nytimes.com/2005/03/20/magazine/20HARVARD.html?inc...&lt;br /&gt;5 of 9 3/21/2005 7:07 AM&lt;br /&gt;led him to panic. He worried that some university dean might Google it and see that Roland Gerard Fryer was&lt;br /&gt;convicted of a 1993 sexual assault in Lewisville, Tex. But that wasn't Roland; that was his father.&lt;br /&gt;The more Fryer told me about himself, the more it became clear that his research is directly, even painfully,&lt;br /&gt;inspired by his own past. Here were the bare facts of his early life, as he related them. He was born in Florida.&lt;br /&gt;His mother left when he was very young, so he lived with his father, who sold copy machines for Xerox, and&lt;br /&gt;when Roland was 4, they moved to Texas. He spent summers in Florida with his grandmother Fat and begged&lt;br /&gt;her to let him stay permanently. But always he was returned to his father in Texas.&lt;br /&gt;I was curious to know more. Fryer, who sometimes seemed torn between wanting to explain himself and&lt;br /&gt;wanting to obliterate his childhood entirely, agreed to accompany me on a tour of his past. On one level he&lt;br /&gt;seemed to be dreading the trip, but on another, I think he was eager to show an outsider the distance he had&lt;br /&gt;traveled -- and perhaps to square things off for himself as well.&lt;br /&gt;Roland Fryer Sr., now 54, had recently moved back in with his own mother -- Roland's grandmother Fat --&lt;br /&gt;after being released from prison. So our trip began with a visit to Daytona Beach. The houses in Fat's&lt;br /&gt;neighborhood were grim, brick and cement block with ragged yards and bars on the windows. Her living room&lt;br /&gt;was dark and cluttered. Roland, Fat and I sat on plastic slipcovers and talked. I asked how on earth Roland had&lt;br /&gt;become a Harvard professor.&lt;br /&gt;Fat looked at him before she answered. ''I think I did a little bit,'' she said. ''Did I help you, JuJu?''&lt;br /&gt;That was his nickname here, JuJu. He gave an uneasy smile. Soon his father came in. The two men said hello.&lt;br /&gt;Fat went into the kitchen, and Roland Sr. sat down.&lt;br /&gt;He said that he had grown up in this very house. He studied business at Bethune-Cookman, a nearby black&lt;br /&gt;college, and then held a series of jobs, none for very long. He met his future wife when she sang backup for&lt;br /&gt;Roy Clark, the country musician, at the high school where he taught math.&lt;br /&gt;''You were a math teacher?'' his son asked.&lt;br /&gt;''Mm-hmm. Tenth grade.''&lt;br /&gt;I asked Roland Sr. how he and not his wife wound up with Roland when they split.&lt;br /&gt;''I loved my son so much that I wanted to make sure he lived a certain type of lifestyle,'' he said. ''I didn't want&lt;br /&gt;him to be in an environment that was not conducive to be the person he is right now.''&lt;br /&gt;At this, his son turned away.&lt;br /&gt;And what kind of teenager, I asked, was Roland?&lt;br /&gt;''Not a bad kid,'' his father replied. ''Matter of fact, he and I used to be so close when we lived together that we&lt;br /&gt;would remind each other when we didn't spend enough time together.''&lt;br /&gt;Now his son stomped out of the room. Roland Sr. talked for a while longer and then said he had to leave.&lt;br /&gt;Roland Jr. came back in, looking grim. After dinner, driving toward our hotel, he vacillated between anger and&lt;br /&gt;bitter silence. His father's version of their life together, he said, was ''total bull.''&lt;br /&gt;The next morning we flew to Dallas. Twenty minutes north of the airport lay Lewisville, an unremarkable city&lt;br /&gt;of about 80,000. Fryer drove us past the home where he had lived with his father, a tidy, tan brick ranch on a&lt;br /&gt;wide pleasant street.&lt;br /&gt;The New York Times &gt; Magazine &gt; Toward a Unified Theory of Black... http://www.nytimes.com/2005/03/20/magazine/20HARVARD.html?inc...&lt;br /&gt;6 of 9 3/21/2005 7:07 AM&lt;br /&gt;When he was in third grade, he said, his father started to deteriorate: he drank heavily and beat a girlfriend so&lt;br /&gt;badly, in front of Roland, that she ended up in the hospital. Once, when his father left town and returned to find&lt;br /&gt;the house a mess, he beat Roland with a length of garden hose. By the time he was 13, Roland was bigger than&lt;br /&gt;his father. Though his father denies it, Roland says that one night they had a brutal fight. ''I told him if he ever&lt;br /&gt;touched me again, I'd kill him,'' Roland said.&lt;br /&gt;When Roland was in the ninth grade, his father was fired from Xerox for sexual harassment. He passed his&lt;br /&gt;days gambling and drinking. Roland made sure to be asleep by the time his father came home from the bar and&lt;br /&gt;to be out of the house before he awoke in the morning. Roland was a star athlete, in football and basketball,&lt;br /&gt;which made things a little easier. But he was angry at everybody, all the time, and was essentially left to raise&lt;br /&gt;himself.&lt;br /&gt;At 13, he forged his birth certificate to get a job at McDonald's. When he could, he told me, he stole from the&lt;br /&gt;cash register. He sold counterfeit Dooney &amp; Burke purses out of the trunk of his car -- a tricked-out 1984&lt;br /&gt;Monte Carlo that he wasn't nearly old enough to drive legally. With a friend, he recounted, he would go into&lt;br /&gt;Dallas, buy a pound of marijuana for $700 and sell it back in Lewisville for $1,400. He carried a .357 Magnum&lt;br /&gt;and one night, in a fight outside a Citgo station, almost used it on a white man. ''I didn't care if I lived or died,''&lt;br /&gt;he said now as we idled in the parking lot of that same Citgo station. ''I always think I'm supposed to be dead,&lt;br /&gt;not alive, much less at Harvard.''&lt;br /&gt;We stopped to eat lunch at a dimly lighted sports bar called the Point After North. ''Right over there, against&lt;br /&gt;that wall,'' Fryer told me, ''is where my father's rape case began.'' Roland Fryer Sr. was 43 at the time. After a&lt;br /&gt;night of drinking, he went home with two women who were sisters. One of them would later say that she went&lt;br /&gt;to sleep and woke up to find Fryer having sex with her. Roland Jr. was horrified and ashamed when the arrest&lt;br /&gt;made the local newspaper. He had to bail his own father out of jail.&lt;br /&gt;He was 15 years old and couldn't see how his life could get much worse. Then one day while driving his Monte&lt;br /&gt;Carlo, he was pulled over by the police. They drew their guns and made him lie on the pavement. He was less&lt;br /&gt;humiliated than petrified; he wasn't half the thug he had imagined himself. The one thought he could muster&lt;br /&gt;was this: what will my grandmother think if I'm thrown in jail? The police, all of whom were white, questioned&lt;br /&gt;him for a few hours -- they thought he was a crack dealer -- and then sent him home. Later that day, some&lt;br /&gt;friends called. They had planned a burglary for that night, and told Fryer they were on their way to pick him&lt;br /&gt;up. He begged off. His friends did the burglary anyway and wound up in jail.&lt;br /&gt;Fryer points to that day as his road-to-Damascus moment. He can't quite explain what provoked the change --&lt;br /&gt;the fear of jail, perhaps, or of death or of his grandmother's wrath. Or it may be that everyone, at some point,&lt;br /&gt;has to choose the kind of person he hopes to be. But after that terrible day of two near-misses, Fryer stopped&lt;br /&gt;doing the bad things he had been doing.&lt;br /&gt;At 18, he entered the University of Texas at Arlington on an athletic scholarship. For the first time in his life,&lt;br /&gt;Fryer started to study. He liked it; more important, he discovered he had a good brain and a God-given capacity&lt;br /&gt;to outwork his peers. He once tried to share his enthusiasm with his father, but he didn't get the response he&lt;br /&gt;was looking for. ''I don't care how much education you get or how successful you become, because you'll&lt;br /&gt;always be a nigger,'' he says his father replied.&lt;br /&gt;While carrying a full course load at Arlington, Fryer held down a job (he owed his father's bail bondsman) and&lt;br /&gt;took extra credits at a local community college. He also managed to meet Lisa during this period. He was&lt;br /&gt;efficiency incarnate, earning an economics degree in two and a half years.&lt;br /&gt;He entered graduate school at Penn State University, and it was there, early on, that he realized the power of&lt;br /&gt;economics to study race. ''We learned all these powerful math tools that were very deep, very insightful, and&lt;br /&gt;The New York Times &gt; Magazine &gt; Toward a Unified Theory of Black... http://www.nytimes.com/2005/03/20/magazine/20HARVARD.html?inc...&lt;br /&gt;7 of 9 3/21/2005 7:07 AM&lt;br /&gt;were being used to solve -- you know, silly problems, frankly,'' he says. ''At the same time, you'd look on TV&lt;br /&gt;and see people literally yelling at each other about affirmative action, bringing up anecdotal stories of one&lt;br /&gt;white guy who lost his house and his wife and his kids. The whole debate could be turned by bringing in some&lt;br /&gt;horrible travesty. And I thought, here's the exact way that these tools should be used.''&lt;br /&gt;He attended a conference at which Glenn Loury, the prominent black economist, presented a paper on&lt;br /&gt;antidiscrimination laws. ''He came up afterwards and said: 'Gee, that's an interesting idea. I'd like to work with&lt;br /&gt;you on that,''' Loury recalls. ''I said: 'A lot of people would like to work with me. Who are you?' But it was&lt;br /&gt;enough to make me want to get to know this kid.''&lt;br /&gt;Fryer had acquired his first big-time mentor. In similar fashion, he soon found a second, James Heckman, who&lt;br /&gt;invited Fryer to the University of Chicago to continue his graduate research. Heckman is a Nobel laureate&lt;br /&gt;whose research suggests that if disadvantaged kids don't acquire life skills at an early age, it is quite difficult&lt;br /&gt;for them to catch up. In Fryer, he had found a glaring anomaly. After barely three years in graduate school,&lt;br /&gt;Fryer completed his dissertation, ''Mathematical Models of Discrimination and Inequality.'' And so it was that&lt;br /&gt;at 25 he was fielding calls from Larry Summers and Skip Gates, imploring him to choose Harvard.&lt;br /&gt;The final stop on our tour of Fryer's past was Tulsa, Okla. His mother, Rita, lives there with her second&lt;br /&gt;husband, Harold, in a black working-class neighborhood.&lt;br /&gt;During his first year of college, Fryer had a brief but intense fling with religiosity. It was then that he first&lt;br /&gt;tracked down his mother. He had been working on forgiveness, and he wanted to forgive his mother for&lt;br /&gt;abandoning him. But he couldn't get past the old hurt. ''I kept asking, 'Why didn't you come find me?''' he said.&lt;br /&gt;''And then it just turned to complete anger on my part. I said: 'Do you understand what I went through? I went&lt;br /&gt;through all this [expletive], and you didn't come rescue me.'''&lt;br /&gt;On this day, however, Roland's mother explained that things weren't as simple as Roland had assumed. She&lt;br /&gt;didn't ''abandon'' him, she said. In fact, when she and Roland Sr. split, she moved back to Tulsa with her son --&lt;br /&gt;Fryer looked confused; he never knew he had lived in Tulsa -- but then, Rita said, Roland Sr. came and, against&lt;br /&gt;her wishes, took the boy. ''We searched and searched, spent money and spent money, but we finally gave up.''&lt;br /&gt;Fryer seemed to believe his mother, at least partly. As she spoke, his manner shifted; he let down the wall that&lt;br /&gt;generally restrains his emotions; the conversation turned tender. When he mentioned that he used to play the&lt;br /&gt;saxophone, his mother brightened. ''My whole family was musical, you know,'' she said. Her mother, it turned&lt;br /&gt;out, attended Juilliard and played eight instruments. An uncle was a saxophonist with Duke Ellington. Her&lt;br /&gt;family, she said, had been a real force in Tulsa, running restaurants and a variety of other businesses.&lt;br /&gt;''They really were the Talented Tenth,'' Harold said.&lt;br /&gt;Fryer smiled. The concept of the Talented Tenth was promoted by none other than W.E.B. DuBois. It referred&lt;br /&gt;to the need for an educated black elite -- the top 10 percent -- that would serve as example and inspiration to&lt;br /&gt;their brethren.&lt;br /&gt;Later that night, over Scotch and soda at an airport hotel in Tulsa, Fryer sifted through the discoveries of his&lt;br /&gt;trip. He hadn't known that his father was a math teacher. He hadn't known that so much accomplishment ran in&lt;br /&gt;his mother's family. ''I used to consider myself a genetic aberration or maybe an impostor,'' he said. ''But I&lt;br /&gt;actually have some pretty good genes.''&lt;br /&gt;He had come up with one more factor, however slight, to plug into the increasingly complicated calculus&lt;br /&gt;whose answer is Roland G. Fryer Jr.&lt;br /&gt;The New York Times &gt; Magazine &gt; Toward a Unified Theory of Black... http://www.nytimes.com/2005/03/20/magazine/20HARVARD.html?inc...&lt;br /&gt;8 of 9 3/21/2005 7:07 AM&lt;br /&gt;ryer has never wanted to be white or to even act it. He loves black culture, high and low, and says that the&lt;br /&gt;worst thing about Cambridge is that it offers no psychic connection to his roots.&lt;br /&gt;In DuBois's book ''The Souls of Black Folk,'' there is a heartbreaking passage in which he describes how white&lt;br /&gt;men look at him and ask, with their eyes only, ''How does it feel to be a problem?'' In the rarefied world that&lt;br /&gt;Fryer inhabits, he sometimes feels a similar question land upon him, a question that is subtler but even more&lt;br /&gt;troubling: how does it feel to be an exception?&lt;br /&gt;Last summer in Cambridge, he was driving across town to present a paper. One of his research assistants, Alex,&lt;br /&gt;rode along; 50 Cent was on the stereo. The paper -- about the slave trade/salt-sensitivity theory -- was&lt;br /&gt;potentially controversial, and Fryer now mentioned that one of his co-authors, Ed Glaeser, would be sitting up&lt;br /&gt;front while Fryer presented.&lt;br /&gt;''It'll be good to have an ally,'' Alex said casually.&lt;br /&gt;Fryer glowered. ''You doubt me? You doubt me? What are you trying to say? You're saying I'm only here&lt;br /&gt;because of affirmative action?''&lt;br /&gt;Alex, who is white, looked stricken. Then Fryer broke out in a big boom of a laugh. Alex looked at least partly&lt;br /&gt;relieved.&lt;br /&gt;A few days earlier, I asked Fryer how it felt to be one of a very, very few blacks in his field. It stinks, he said.&lt;br /&gt;''I'd rather be on an absolute standard, where being black doesn't matter.'' He is convinced that Harvard did not&lt;br /&gt;hire him because of affirmative action -- and if he found out otherwise, he said, he would quit tomorrow. He is&lt;br /&gt;neither opposed nor in favor of affirmative action in the absolute; to him, the more relevant factors are the&lt;br /&gt;timing and degree of its implementation. But like DuBois, he can always feel an accusation hovering.&lt;br /&gt;That may be why he has talked so little about his past. Most people I spoke to about Fryer had only a shadowy&lt;br /&gt;sense of his upbringing. He never wanted to score any sympathy points, nor did he want to give his colleagues&lt;br /&gt;the opportunity to dismiss him as a freak accident, an exception to the standard rules of academic success --&lt;br /&gt;which might imply that Harvard is not a normative goal for a young black man in the first place. There is also&lt;br /&gt;the fact that Fryer's particular science places a high premium on avoiding the personal, the anecdotal. The data&lt;br /&gt;are what matter in economics, and the more ruthlessness that an economist can summon to make sense of the&lt;br /&gt;data, the more useful his findings will be.&lt;br /&gt;Fryer seems to have successfully internalized this creed. He once told me, without a hint of irony or self-pity,&lt;br /&gt;that his upbringing, while generally awful, actually provides an advantage. I asked why.&lt;br /&gt;''My father screwed me over so bad that he made my emotions like a lever,'' he said. ''I learned how to turn&lt;br /&gt;them off and on. And that's what's needed when you study race.''&lt;br /&gt;So here is Fryer's final anomaly: he is a man who revels in his blackness and yet also says he believes, as&lt;br /&gt;DuBois believed, that black underachievement cannot entirely be laid at the feet of discrimination. Fryer has a&lt;br /&gt;huge appetite for advocacy but a far larger appetite for science, and as a scientist he won't exclude any&lt;br /&gt;possibilities, including black behaviors, from the menu of factors that contribute to the black condition. His&lt;br /&gt;school-incentive project in New York would call upon this entire menu: it seeks to provide an empirical means&lt;br /&gt;to measure the theoretical effect of ''acting white''; it engages the economist's belief in the power of incentives&lt;br /&gt;to change an environment; and it allows for the overlooked abilities of any given child to flourish. The project&lt;br /&gt;might do the most good for the kind of child Fryer himself once was: a kid who belongs to the Talented Tenth&lt;br /&gt;but just doesn't know it yet.&lt;br /&gt;The New York Times &gt; Magazine &gt; Toward a Unified Theory of Black... http://www.nytimes.com/2005/03/20/magazine/20HARVARD.html?inc...&lt;br /&gt;9 of 9 3/21/2005 7:07 AM&lt;br /&gt;The very issue of black-white inequality has, in recent years, been practically driven from public view. But&lt;br /&gt;according to the data that Fryer lives with, the inequality itself hasn't gone away. There have been countless&lt;br /&gt;distractions -- wars, economic gyrations, political turmoil -- and, perhaps just as significantly, fatigue. The&lt;br /&gt;proven voices and standard ideologies have lost much of their power. So there is an opportunity, and probably&lt;br /&gt;a need, for a new set of voices, and Roland Fryer, though he would never say it aloud, wants desperately for his&lt;br /&gt;to be among them.&lt;br /&gt;Stephen J. Dubner is the author, with Steven D. Levitt, of the forthcoming ''Freakonomics: A Rogue Economist&lt;br /&gt;Explores the Hidden Side of Everything.''&lt;br /&gt;Copyright 2005 The New York Times Company | Home | Privacy Policy | Search | Corrections | RSS | Help | Back to Top&lt;div class="blogger-post-footer"&gt;&lt;img width='1' height='1' src='https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/tracker/8328808403424165981-2993556225091529215?l=fixcentenario.blogspot.com' alt='' /&gt;&lt;/div&gt;</content><link rel='replies' type='application/atom+xml' href='http://fixcentenario.blogspot.com/feeds/2993556225091529215/comments/default' title='Post Comments'/><link rel='replies' type='text/html' href='http://www.blogger.com/comment.g?blogID=8328808403424165981&amp;postID=2993556225091529215' title='0 Comments'/><link rel='edit' type='application/atom+xml' href='http://www.blogger.com/feeds/8328808403424165981/posts/default/2993556225091529215'/><link rel='self' type='application/atom+xml' href='http://www.blogger.com/feeds/8328808403424165981/posts/default/2993556225091529215'/><link rel='alternate' type='text/html' href='http://fixcentenario.blogspot.com/2009/07/social-theory_4582.html' title='Social Theory'/><author><name>education</name><uri>http://www.blogger.com/profile/12343022453805740638</uri><email>noreply@blogger.com</email><gd:image rel='http://schemas.google.com/g/2005#thumbnail' width='16' height='16' src='http://img2.blogblog.com/img/b16-rounded.gif'/></author><thr:total>0</thr:total></entry><entry><id>tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8328808403424165981.post-3335980058935704248</id><published>2009-07-22T18:51:00.000-07:00</published><updated>2009-07-22T18:52:31.734-07:00</updated><title type='text'>Wittgenstein</title><content type='html'>Ludwig Wittgenstein&lt;br /&gt;Additional Reading&lt;br /&gt; British philosopher&lt;br /&gt;in full Ludwig Josef Johann Wittgenstein &lt;br /&gt;born April 26, 1889, Vienna, Austria-Hungary [now in Austria]&lt;br /&gt; died April 29, 1951, Cambridge, Cambridgeshire, Eng.&lt;br /&gt; &lt;br /&gt;Additional Reading&lt;br /&gt;K.T. Fann (ed.), Ludwig Wittgenstein: The Man and His Philosophy (1967, reissued 1978), is a useful and varied collection that includes, among much else, reminiscences of Wittgenstein by Bertrand Russell. Brian McGuinness, Wittgenstein, a Life: Young Ludwig 1889–1921 (1988), is a careful and detailed examination of the first half of Wittgenstein’s life. Norman Malcolm and G.H. von Wright, Ludwig Wittgenstein: A Memoir, 2nd ed. (1984), is a moving and attractively written firsthand recollection of Wittgenstein by one of his closest students. Ray Monk, Ludwig Wittgenstein: The Duty of Genius (1990), at its publication the only complete biography of Wittgenstein, emphasizes the links between Wittgenstein’s personal and spiritual concerns and his philosophical work. Rush Rhees (ed.), Recollections of Wittgenstein, rev. ed. (1984), is an enlightening collection of memoirs, including notes of conversations with Wittgenstein by his student and friend Maurice Drury. Ludwig Wittgenstein, Tractatus Logico-Philosophicus (1922), is Wittgenstein’s austere and all but impenetrable masterpiece; Philosophical Investigations (1953), is the locus classicus of Wittgenstein’s later work.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Ray Monk&lt;div class="blogger-post-footer"&gt;&lt;img width='1' height='1' src='https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/tracker/8328808403424165981-3335980058935704248?l=fixcentenario.blogspot.com' alt='' /&gt;&lt;/div&gt;</content><link rel='replies' type='application/atom+xml' href='http://fixcentenario.blogspot.com/feeds/3335980058935704248/comments/default' title='Post Comments'/><link rel='replies' type='text/html' href='http://www.blogger.com/comment.g?blogID=8328808403424165981&amp;postID=3335980058935704248' title='0 Comments'/><link rel='edit' type='application/atom+xml' href='http://www.blogger.com/feeds/8328808403424165981/posts/default/3335980058935704248'/><link rel='self' type='application/atom+xml' href='http://www.blogger.com/feeds/8328808403424165981/posts/default/3335980058935704248'/><link rel='alternate' type='text/html' href='http://fixcentenario.blogspot.com/2009/07/wittgenstein_22.html' title='Wittgenstein'/><author><name>education</name><uri>http://www.blogger.com/profile/12343022453805740638</uri><email>noreply@blogger.com</email><gd:image rel='http://schemas.google.com/g/2005#thumbnail' width='16' height='16' src='http://img2.blogblog.com/img/b16-rounded.gif'/></author><thr:total>0</thr:total></entry><entry><id>tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8328808403424165981.post-5590562424253722639</id><published>2009-07-22T18:48:00.000-07:00</published><updated>2009-07-22T18:49:35.957-07:00</updated><title type='text'>Urban Social Processes</title><content type='html'>Urban Studies Adjusts to a New World&lt;br /&gt;Winter 2008 Interaction&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The United Nations estimates that half the world’s population today lives in urban areas. By 2030, the figure will be two-thirds.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;But the cities of 2030, even the cities of today, bear little resemblance to the ones studied by the first generation of urban studies scholars in the 1960s. Those scholars created the interdisciplinary field as a way of analyzing poverty, crime and racism in the United States. But the urban settlements of the future will be, above all, rapidly growing mega-cities in Asia and Africa with scarce infrastructure that place nearly intolerable pressure on the natural environment.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;L.A. Cicero &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Sociologist Doug McAdam, faculty director of the Urban Studies Program, says a global approach to the field is the only one that makes sense, and that Stanford is ahead of the curve in that regard.&lt;br /&gt;Domestic poverty, crime and racism are still with us, but the new incarnation of urban studies confronts new problems and wields new tools. Globalization, technology and the environment are now crucial players in the field; without them, in fact, it would make little sense to study cities. And in the United States, the escape to the suburbs turns out to have had far-reaching consequences on the city left behind, on infrastructure and on culture. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;So just as the urban studies programs of the 1960s were a response to the social problems of that era, it’s time to take a second look at the field to see how well it responds to the new situation.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;“Definitely, there is a need for a rigorous interdisciplinary field called urban studies,” said sociologist Doug McAdam, faculty director of Stanford’s Program in Urban Studies.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;“But it can’t be rooted in a romanticized, backward-looking set of urban issues. That kind of flavor hangs over many university programs, and we’ve had those fumes ourselves, the community-organizing model reflected in a sixties-style activist approach. There’s nothing wrong with that, but it can’t be all there is. There must be a global approach.”&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The opportunity to incorporate that approach came a few years ago when the Urban Studies Program ran into trouble at Stanford. Members of the faculty were concerned at the program’s lack of focus. The program had been moved from political science to sociology, and few Academic Council members were teaching its classes. As a result, lecturers were hired, each one teaching his or her specialty, further weakening the program’s focus. McAdam was asked if he would step in, and he agreed on condition that the program get an extra year before coming up for renewal.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;“Then we sat down and said, ‘What should an exciting, innovative program look like?’” he said. The answer involved restructuring the major’s concentration areas, building a solid core of required classes and wooing new faculty.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Restructured concentrations&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;There were three concentration areas on the books, but one—Urban Planning and Design—already had been significantly weakened when its architectural component moved to the School of Engineering in 2003. The first decision, then, was to eliminate the area altogether and fold its planning and design components into a new Urban Society and Social Change concentration. A second concentration, Urban Education, was left intact. A third, new concentration was created: Cities in Comparative and Historical Perspective, which is drawing particular excitement, McAdam said.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;“The exclusive focus on urban problems in the United States didn’t make sense when the most interesting things were happening in other places,” he said. “The most rapid urbanization is happening in Asia.”&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;“We’re ahead of the curve on this,” compared to Stanford’s peer schools, he said. “We’re different, too, because we don’t have a public policy or architecture school, and that’s usually where urban studies is embedded. But ours is more interdisciplinary, more liberal arts.”&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;One of the new required courses is Cities in Comparative Perspective, taught by anthropologist Paulla Ebron in fall 2007. She had helped develop the course with geographer Karen Seto, who teaches in the Department of Geological and Environmental Sciences in the School of Earth Sciences.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;“It’s very challenging to work in a very interdisciplinary environment,” Ebron said of the class. “It’s not just ‘you do your thing and I’ll do mine,’ because then we’re the same people as when we started. It showed me I actually do think as an anthropologist.”&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The final projects presented in Ebron’s class indicate the field’s breadth but also the commonality of the problems the students and texts address: migration and longtime residents in Las Vegas; check-cashing outlets in Phoenix; the fashion industry in Buenos Aires; the impact of the U.S. Navy’s departure from Hunters Point; the odd class structure of Dubai.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The importance of comparative analysis was also underscored by the graduating Class of 2008’s choice in the fall of their Model Scholar speaker: Carl Nightingale, from the University of Buffalo, who spoke on “Splitting Cities in Early 20th-Century Johannesburg and Chicago.”&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;“Crisis and decline seemed to be the only narrative” to urban studies decades ago, said program director Michael Kahan, himself an urban historian. But he went on to say that there also has been thematic continuity. He pointed to technology as an important influence on the field today, particularly software for geographic information systems (GIS) and social networking.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;“In a way, though, it was technology that brought the field into existence in the first place, as American historians using the early computers were able to do quantitative analysis of social and class problems for the first time,” he noted.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Seto is an expert in GIS, which she uses in her pathbreaking research on patterns of urbanization and environmental destruction in China. (GIS is now a required skills course for the urban studies major.) In the fall she taught Urbanization, Global Change and Sustainability.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;“We often study urbanization from a humanist perspective, looking at economics and policy,” she said. “But urbanists rarely study cities from the natural science perspective other than saying that urban spaces have taken over green space, that cities are where biodiversity used to occur.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;“I think we need to marry these two visions. I strongly believe urban is the solution; most people live here. But we need to start configuring urban spaces that are sustainable.”&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;If cities used to be a fixed variable, a known location, the object of study today is a moving target. Migration flows, Ebron said, “lead us to ask questions about what is created as a result of the migration.” In other words, the object is a process.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Likewise with the urban environment, a series of linkages.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;“People draw connections between the destruction of the Brazilian rainforest and McDonald’s hamburgers, or between the Indonesian rainforest and Home Depot products,” Seto said. “Even if there’s not a direct line, the areas we are destroying are intimately connected to urban living. We have to look at landscape on a continuum.”&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Projects abroad&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;If globalization provides the context for these connections, it is only logical that undergraduates go abroad, often with the aid of competitive research fellowships. To that end, the Urban Studies Program is working on the creation of a three-week Bing Overseas Seminar.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The cohort of 2007, with 20 graduates, was particularly global.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;One of the projects most often pointed to was that of Colin Miller, whose 2007 honors thesis was “Instruments of Peace: Music, Community Development and Environmental Justice in a Brazilian Neighborhood.” Miller (currently on a fifth-year Fulbright in Brazil) obtained Haas summer fellowships to go to Brazil, where he studied street music and taught violin to poor children.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Then there was Deland Chan, Seto’s student and the winner of the Firestone Medal for Excellence in Undergraduate Research last June. Her thesis, “How Migrant Workers Find Housing in Beijing: The Role of Individual Agency in Differential Housing Access and Outcomes,” studied the migration of peasants to Beijing, where they are not always welcome. Another medal winner was Lola Feiger, who received the Robert M. Golden Medal for Excellence in the Humanities and Creative Arts for “The Memorialization of Urban Concentration Camps: Reading the Scale and Infrastructural Complexity of Sachsenhausen for an Understanding of the Holocaust.” Her adviser was Charlotte Fonrobert, associate professor of religious studies.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;“Our students are so distinctive. They do extraordinary work, better than anything I’ve ever seen in a traditional department,” McAdam said. “They push each other hard. They constantly have to defend their major, so they’re driven, they don’t just drift there. You can’t just settle into urban studies.” &lt;br /&gt;Also in This Issue&lt;br /&gt; &lt;br /&gt;Doing African Studies &lt;br /&gt;On the ground in Africa &lt;br /&gt;Teaching and learning how to teach and learn &lt;br /&gt;Rediscovering creativity by building it &lt;br /&gt;Urban Studies adjusts to a new world &lt;br /&gt;Gender: A fiercely interdisciplinary terrain &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;--------------------------------------------------------------------------------&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Stanford University Contact Information&lt;div class="blogger-post-footer"&gt;&lt;img width='1' height='1' src='https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/tracker/8328808403424165981-5590562424253722639?l=fixcentenario.blogspot.com' alt='' /&gt;&lt;/div&gt;</content><link rel='replies' type='application/atom+xml' href='http://fixcentenario.blogspot.com/feeds/5590562424253722639/comments/default' title='Post Comments'/><link rel='replies' type='text/html' href='http://www.blogger.com/comment.g?blogID=8328808403424165981&amp;postID=5590562424253722639' title='0 Comments'/><link rel='edit' type='application/atom+xml' href='http://www.blogger.com/feeds/8328808403424165981/posts/default/5590562424253722639'/><link rel='self' type='application/atom+xml' href='http://www.blogger.com/feeds/8328808403424165981/posts/default/5590562424253722639'/><link rel='alternate' type='text/html' href='http://fixcentenario.blogspot.com/2009/07/urban-social-processes_22.html' title='Urban Social Processes'/><author><name>education</name><uri>http://www.blogger.com/profile/12343022453805740638</uri><email>noreply@blogger.com</email><gd:image rel='http://schemas.google.com/g/2005#thumbnail' width='16' height='16' src='http://img2.blogblog.com/img/b16-rounded.gif'/></author><thr:total>0</thr:total></entry><entry><id>tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8328808403424165981.post-1581248190308796899</id><published>2009-07-22T18:41:00.000-07:00</published><updated>2009-07-22T18:47:28.903-07:00</updated><title type='text'>Social Theory</title><content type='html'>In the humanities and social sciences, critical theory is the examination and critique of society and culture, drawing from knowledge across social sciences and humanities disciplines. The term has two quite different meanings with different origins and histories, one originating in social theory and the other in literary criticism. Though until recently these two meanings had little to do with each other, since the 1970s there has been some overlap between these disciplines. This has led to "critical theory" becoming an umbrella term for an array of theories in English-speaking academia. This article focuses primarily on the differences and similarities between the two senses of the term critical theory.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Two primary definitions&lt;br /&gt;There are two meanings of critical theory which derive from two different intellectual traditions associated with the meaning of criticism and critique. Both derive ultimately from the Greek word kritikos meaning judgment or discernment, and in their present forms go back to the 18th century. While they can be considered completely independent intellectual pursuits, increasingly scholars are interested in the areas of critique where the two overlap.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;To use an epistemological distinction introduced by Jürgen Habermas in 1968 in his Erkenntnis und Interesse (Knowledge and Human Interests), critical theory in literary studies is ultimately a form of hermeneutics, i.e. knowledge via interpretation to understand the meaning of human texts and symbolic expressions. Critical social theory is, in contrast, a form of self-reflective knowledge involving both understanding and theoretical explanation to reduce entrapment in systems of domination or dependence, obeying the emancipatory interest in expanding the scope of autonomy and reducing the scope of domination. From this perspective, much literary critical theory, since it is focused on interpretation and explanation rather than on social transformation, would be regarded as positivistic or traditional rather than critical theory in the Kantian or Marxian sense. Critical theory in literature and the humanities in general does not necessarily involve a normative dimension, whereas critical social theory does, either through criticizing society from some general theory of values, norms, or oughts, or through criticizing it in terms of its own espoused values.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;[edit] In social theory&lt;br /&gt;Main article: Frankfurt School&lt;br /&gt;The initial meaning of the term critical theory was that defined by Max Horkheimer of the Frankfurt School of social science in his 1937 essay Traditional and Critical Theory: Critical theory is a social theory oriented toward critiquing and changing society as a whole, in contrast to traditional theory oriented only to understanding or explaining it. Horkheimer wanted to distinguish critical theory as a radical, emancipatory form of Marxian theory, critiquing both the model of science put forward by logical positivism and what he and his colleagues saw as the covert positivism and authoritarianism of orthodox Marxism and communism. Core concepts are: (1) That critical social theory should be directed at the totality of society in its historical specificity (i.e. how it came to be configured at a specific point in time), and (2) That Critical Theory should improve understanding of society by integrating all the major social sciences, including geography, economics, sociology, history, political science, anthropology, and psychology. Although this conception of critical theory originated with the Frankfurt School, it also prevails among other recent social scientists, such as Pierre Bourdieu, Louis Althusser and arguably Michel Foucault, as well as certain feminist theorists and social scientists.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The Praxis school was a Marxist humanist philosophical movement. It originated in Zagreb and Belgrade in the SFR Yugoslavia, during the 1960s that in many ways closely linked to Frankfurt School and Critical theory. Prominent figures among the school's founders include Gajo Petrović and Milan Kangrga of Zagreb and Mihailo Marković of Belgrade. From 1964 to 1974 they published the Marxist journal Praxis, which was renowned as one of the leading international journals in Marxist theory.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;This version of "critical" theory derives from Kant's (18th-century) and Marx's (19th Century) use of the term "critique", as in Kant's Critique of Pure Reason and Marx's concept that his work Das Kapital (Capital) forms a "critique of political economy". For Kant's transcendental idealism, "critique" means examining and establishing the limits of the validity of a faculty, type, or body of knowledge, especially through accounting for the limitations imposed by the fundamental, irreducible concepts in use in that knowledge system. Early on, Kant's notion associated critique with the disestablishment of false, unprovable, or dogmatic philosophical, social, and political beliefs, because Kant's critique of reason involved the critique of dogmatic theological and metaphysical ideas and was intertwined with the enhancement of ethical autonomy and the Enlightenment critique of superstition and irrational authority. Marx explicitly developed this notion into the critique of ideology and linked it with the practice of social revolution, as in the famous 11th of his "Theses on Feuerbach," "Philosophers have only interpreted the world in certain ways; the point is to change it".[1]&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;In the 1960s, Jürgen Habermas raised the epistemological discussion to a new level in his Knowledge and Human Interests, by identifying critical knowledge as based on principles that differentiated it either from the natural sciences or the humanities, through its orientation to self-reflection and emancipation.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The term critical theory, in the sociological or philosophical and non-literary sense, now loosely groups all sorts of work, including that of the Frankfurt School, Michel Foucault, Pierre Bourdieu, disability studies and feminist theory, that has in common the critique of domination, an emancipatory interest, and the fusion of social/cultural analysis, explanation, and interpretation with social/cultural critique.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;[edit] Postmodern critical theory&lt;br /&gt;While modernist critical theory (as described above) concerns itself with “forms of authority and injustice that accompanied the evolution of industrial and corporate capitalism as a political-economic system,” postmodern critical theory politicizes social problems “by situating them in historical and cultural contexts, to implicate themselves in the process of collecting and analyzing data, and to relativize their findings” (Lindlof &amp; Taylor, 2002, p. 52). Meaning itself is seen as unstable due to the rapid transformation in social structures and as a result the focus of research is centered on local manifestations rather than broad generalizations.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Postmodern critical research is also characterized by what is called, the crisis of representation, which rejects the idea that a researcher’s work is considered an “objective depiction of a stable other” (Lindlof &amp; Taylor, 2002, p. 53). Instead, in their research and writing, many postmodern scholars have adopted “alternatives that encourage reflection about the ‘politics and poetics’ of their work. In these accounts, the embodied, collaborative, dialogic, and improvisational aspects of qualitative research are clarified” (Lindlof &amp; Taylor, 2002, p. 53). For an example of postmodern critical work, see Rolling’s (2008) piece, entitled Secular Blasphemy: Utter(ed) Transgressions Against Names and Fathers in the Postmodern Era.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;[edit] Critical ethnography&lt;br /&gt;Main article: Critical Ethnography&lt;br /&gt;Critical ethnography is "a type of reflection that examines culture, knowledge, and action...Critical ethnographers describe, analyze, and open to scrutiny otherwise hidden agendas, power centers, and assumptions that inhibit, repress, and constrain" (Thomas, 1993, pp. 2–3). While "conventional ethnography" "describes what is", critical ethnography "asks what could be"….Conventional ethnographers study culture for the purposes of describing it; critical ethnographers do so to change it" (Thomas, 1993, p. 4).&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;[edit] In literary criticism&lt;br /&gt;Main article: Literary theory&lt;br /&gt;The second meaning of critical theory is that of theory used in literary criticism ("critical theory") and in the analysis and understanding of literature. This is discussed in greater detail under literary theory. This form of critical theory is not necessarily oriented toward radical social change or even toward the analysis of society, but instead specializes on the analysis of texts. It originated among literary scholars and in the discipline of literature in the 1960s and 1970s, and has really only come into broad use since the 1980s, especially as theory used in literary studies has increasingly been influenced by European philosophy and social theory.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;This version of "critical" theory derives from the notion of literary criticism as establishing and enhancing the understanding and evaluation of literature in the search for truth. Some consider literary theory merely an aesthetic concern, as articulated, for example, in Joseph Addison's notion of a critic as one who helps understand and interpret literary works: "A true critic ought to dwell rather upon excellencies than imperfections, to discover the concealed beauties of a writer, and communicate to the world such things as are worth their observation."[2] This notion of criticism ultimately goes back to Aristotle's Poetics as a theory of literature.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;This meaning of "critical theory" originated entirely within the humanities. There are works of literary critical theory that show no awareness of the sociological version of critical theory.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;[edit] Overlap between the two versions of critical theory&lt;br /&gt;Nevertheless, a certain amount of overlap has come about, initiated both from the critical social theory and the literary-critical theory sides. It was distinctive of the Frankfurt School's version of critical theory from the beginning, especially in the work of Max Horkheimer, Theodor Adorno, Walter Benjamin, Herbert Marcuse, and Leo Lowenthal, because of their focus on the role of false consciousness and ideology in the perpetuation of capitalism, to analyze works of culture, including literature, music, art, both "high culture" and "popular culture" or "mass culture." Thus it was to some extent a theory of literature and a method of literary criticism (as in Walter Benjamin's interpretation of Baudelaire and Kafka, Leo Lowenthal's interpretations of Shakespeare, Ibsen, etc., Adorno's interpretations of Kafka, Valery, Balzac, Beckett, etc.) and (see below) in the 1960s started to influence the literary sort of critical theory.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;[edit] Within social theory&lt;br /&gt;In the late 1960s Jürgen Habermas of the Frankfurt School, redefined critical theory in a way that freed it from a direct tie to Marxism or the prior work of the Frankfurt School. In Habermas' epistemology, critical knowledge was conceptualized as knowledge that enabled human beings to emancipate themselves from forms of domination through self-reflection and took psychoanalysis as the paradigm of critical knowledge. This expanded considerably the scope of what counted as critical theory within the social sciences, which would include such approaches as world systems theory, feminist theory, postcolonial theory, critical legal theory, critical race theory, performance studies, transversal poetics, queer theory, social ecology, the theory of communicative action (Jürgen Habermas), structuration theory, psychoanalysis and neo-Marxian theory.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;[edit] Within literary theory&lt;br /&gt;From the literary side, starting in the 1960s literary scholars, reacting especially against the New Criticism of the previous decades, which tried to analyze literary texts purely internally, began to incorporate into their analyses and interpretations of literary works initially semiotic, linguistic, and interpretive theory, then structuralism, Lacanian psychoanalysis, post-structuralism, and deconstruction as well as Continental philosophy, especially phenomenology and hermeneutics, and critical social theory and various other forms of neo-Marxian theory. Thus literary criticism became highly theoretical and some of those practicing it began referring to the theoretical dimension of their work as "critical theory", i.e. philosophically inspired theory of literary criticism. And thus incidentally critical theory in the sociological sense also became, especially among literary scholars of left-wing sympathies, one of a number of influences upon and streams within critical theory in the literary sense.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Furthermore, along with the expansion of the mass media and mass/popular culture in the 1960s and 1970s and the blending of social and cultural criticism and literary criticism, the methods of both kinds of critical theory sometimes intertwined in the analysis of phenomena of popular culture, as in the emerging field of cultural studies, in which concepts deriving from Marxian theory, post-structuralism, semiology, psychoanalysis and feminist theory would be found in the same interpretive work. Both strands were often present in the various modalities of postmodern theory.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;[edit] Language and construction&lt;br /&gt;The two points at which there is the greatest overlap or mutual impingement of the two versions of critical theory are in their interrelated foci on language, symbolism, and communication and in their focus on construction.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;[edit] Language and communication&lt;br /&gt;From the 1960s and 1970s onward, language, symbolism, text, and meaning became foundational to theory in the humanities and social sciences, through the short-term and long-term influences of Ludwig Wittgenstein, Ferdinand de Saussure, George Herbert Mead, Noam Chomsky, Hans-Georg Gadamer, Roland Barthes, Jacques Derrida and other thinkers in the traditions of linguistic and analytic philosophy, structural linguistics, symbolic interactionism, hermeneutics, semiology, linguistically oriented psychoanalysis (Jacques Lacan, Alfred Lorenzer), and deconstruction. When, in the 1970s and 1980s, Jürgen Habermas also redefined critical social theory as a theory of communication, i.e. communicative competence and communicative rationality on the one hand, distorted communication on the other, the two versions of critical theory began to overlap or intertwine to a much greater degree than before.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;[edit] Construction&lt;br /&gt;Both versions of critical theory have focused on the processes of synthesis, production, or construction by which the phenomena and objects of human communication, culture, and political consciousness come about. Whether it is through the transformational rules by which the deep structure of language becomes its surface structure (Chomsky), the universal pragmatic principles through which mutual understanding is generated (Habermas), the semiotic rules by which objects of daily usage or of fashion obtain their meanings (Barthes), the psychological processes by which the phenomena of everyday consciousness are generated (psychoanalytic thinkers), the episteme that underlies our cognitive formations (Foucault), and so on, there is a common interest in the processes (often of a linguistic or symbolic kind) that give rise to observable phenomena. Here there is significant mutual influence among aspects of the different versions of critical theory. Ultimately this emphasis on production and construction goes back to the revolution wrought by Kant in philosophy, namely his focus in the Critique of Pure Reason on synthesis according to rules as the fundamental activity of the mind that creates the order of our experience.&lt;div class="blogger-post-footer"&gt;&lt;img width='1' height='1' src='https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/tracker/8328808403424165981-1581248190308796899?l=fixcentenario.blogspot.com' alt='' /&gt;&lt;/div&gt;</content><link rel='replies' type='application/atom+xml' href='http://fixcentenario.blogspot.com/feeds/1581248190308796899/comments/default' title='Post Comments'/><link rel='replies' type='text/html' href='http://www.blogger.com/comment.g?blogID=8328808403424165981&amp;postID=1581248190308796899' title='0 Comments'/><link rel='edit' type='application/atom+xml' href='http://www.blogger.com/feeds/8328808403424165981/posts/default/1581248190308796899'/><link rel='self' type='application/atom+xml' href='http://www.blogger.com/feeds/8328808403424165981/posts/default/1581248190308796899'/><link rel='alternate' type='text/html' href='http://fixcentenario.blogspot.com/2009/07/social-theory_22.html' title='Social Theory'/><author><name>education</name><uri>http://www.blogger.com/profile/12343022453805740638</uri><email>noreply@blogger.com</email><gd:image rel='http://schemas.google.com/g/2005#thumbnail' width='16' height='16' src='http://img2.blogblog.com/img/b16-rounded.gif'/></author><thr:total>0</thr:total></entry><entry><id>tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8328808403424165981.post-3518894704699343626</id><published>2009-07-20T10:50:00.000-07:00</published><updated>2009-07-20T10:51:56.955-07:00</updated><title type='text'>Wittgenstein</title><content type='html'>The Cambridge Quintet: A Work of Scientific Speculation by John L. Casti. Addison-Wesley, 181 pp., $23.&lt;br /&gt;May 8, 1998         &lt;br /&gt;            &lt;br /&gt;Steve Allen once created a short-lived television series called Meeting of the Minds. A deadpan Allen would introduce four guests, in period dress, drawn mostly though not exclusively from the ranks of the intellectual Immortals. Marx, Spinoza, Leonardo, and Marie Antoinette were a typical quartet; Poe, Jefferson, Aristotle, and Virginia Woolf were another. In all -- well, not all -- seriousness, the five would instantiate for half an hour the Great Conversation that is Culture. I was generally on the floor after ten minutes.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;John Casti is not, like Steve Allen, a comic genius, just a veteran science writer with a streak of whimsy. But The Cambridge Quintet is an inspired conception. One rainy night in 1947, in his (and Charles Darwin’s) former rooms at Cambridge University, C. P. Snow, novelist and science advisor to the British government and soon to be famous for his pamphlet, The Two Cultures, has arranged a meeting of minds. The government wants to know whether there’s anything to the talk just then beginning to be heard about the possibility of “thinking machines.” So Snow has invited J. B. S. Haldane, Erwin Schrodinger, Alan Turing, and Ludwig Wittgenstein to dinner. Over five courses (and chapters), accompanied by sherry, Montrachet, Burgundy, and cognac, the conversation unfolds. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The four guests are, of course, bona fide Immortals. Haldane was an early and pioneering population geneticist, a prolific popularizer, and a leading (though eventually disillusioned) British Communist. Schrodinger was one of the founders of quantum mechanics, a dabbler in Eastern metaphysics, and author of the now-classic little book What Is Life? Turing, as much as anyone, launched the computer age with a series of revolutionary mathematical papers. (He also, as much as anyone, defeated the Nazis by breaking their previously impenetrable military-communications code, “Enigma.”) Wittgenstein was not only one of the most influential thinkers of the twentieth century but also one of its most influential personalities: ascetic, mystical, a kind of philosopher-saint.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;What started the rumors that had so intrigued the British government was the invention of the “Turing machine.” This was not a concrete object, with bells, whistles, and wires, but rather the idea of an object with a certain structure and certain abilities. A Turing machine is something that can take in a symbol and perform a specified sequence of operations (called a “program”) on it, thereby transforming it into another symbol, which it prints out. Logics, grammars, and mathematical functions are also ways of processing symbols. Turing showed that symbol-processing has a general structure (called “computation”), which can be embodied physically, in a machine.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;But, Snow asks, is computation the same as thought? Our dinner guests are off and running. In one of several attempts at explaining the implications of his mathematical findings (like Godel’s “uncertainty” principle and Schrodinger’s “indeterminacy” principle, Turing’s “computability” theorem is so abstract and general that it has myriad implications and is susceptible of many different formulations), Turing remarks that “anything at all that can be thought of as following a set of rules ... can be calculated in a similar step-by-step fashion by this kind of machine.”&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;This pushes the argument back a stage. Does the brain “follow rules”? Can its operations be formalized, or made explicit? What is this thing called thought? Apparently, it’s a conversation among neurons. The brain and nervous system are made up of roughly ten billion neurons, or nodes, connected by wire-like axons and dendrites, which conduct electrical impulses to and from. “Something like a giant telephone switching network,” as Haldane puts it. The neurons have a “threshhold of excitation”: if the incoming electrical impulses are strong enough, they fire off impulses in turn, which are carried to other neurons. The “on-off” pattern of all the neurons (or some subset of them) at any one time is a mental state -- in effect, a thought. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;All this is strikingly analogous -- in some ways, at least -- to how a computer works. A neuron is like a computer “bit,” or storage location; “on” and “off” correspond to the 0s and 1s of the binary system; stimuli to the nervous system are the equivalent of inputs to the machine; the firing of neurons and their rearrangement into new patterns resembles the executing of instructions from a program and the consequent rearrangement of the stored data into new configurations. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;That’s as much of the scientific logic as this reader could follow. Fortunately, there’s also plenty of non-technical talk. One of the more illuminating strands of the discussion, spread over several chapters, counterposes two famous thought-experiments: the “Turing test” and John Searle’s “Chinese Room” argument. (Searle’s argument, actually published in 1980, appears in The Cambridge Quintet, renamed and attributed to Wittgenstein, through fictional license.) Turing proposed a simple and ingenious test for machine intelligence. Put a person in one room, a computer in another, both connected by teletype to a person in a third room. The person in the third room types in questions, to which the other person and the computer type out replies. If the questioner cannot tell consistently which replies come from the other person and which from the computer, then the computer is intelligent. If it talks like a human ... .&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Not necessarily, replies Searle/Wittgenstein. Put a person who knows no Chinese in a room with a very large manual or computer program that matches all possible questions in Chinese with appropriate answers in Chinese. Slips of paper with questions go under the door; appropriate answers come back. By Turing’s definition, the person in the room understands Chinese. But he doesn’t. Does this example invalidate the Turing test? Turing, with a little help from Schrodinger, mounts a defense, which persuaded me but not Wittgenstein.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Casti gives all the characters some good lines; but fundamentally the debate is between Turing and Wittgenstein, with Snow moderating and Haldane and Schrodinger in supporting roles. Dramatically and intellectually, this seems right: of the four, it’s their work that bears most directly on the question of artificial intelligence. Philosophically, Turing was a positivist, Wittgenstein an anti-positivist; polemically, Turing was diffident, Wittgenstein fierce. In The Cambridge Quintet, as in life, Turing was a troubled but sympathetic soul, an unworldly genius. Wittgenstein does not come off so well, but that is the book’s fault. His thought was obscure and his personality difficult, but he was not quite so dogmatic and ill-tempered as he appears here.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The Cambridge Quintet is an agreeable jeu d’esprit, though a bit thin. If it whets your appetite, go on to Daniel Dennett’s Brainstorms and Douglas Hofstadter’s Godel, Escher, Bach. But don’t expect to make up your mind. Important philosophical controversies are rarely resolved in the same terms in which they are posed. Instead we find a new vocabulary, or let the subject drop for a few decades (or centuries) and come back to it in a new form. In two hundred years, most creative work in science and mathematics will undoubtedly be done by electronic entities. But they won’t be much good at poetry or fiction; they won’t be witty or passionate; there won’t be a plasma Proust or a silicon-based Lawrence. Will they be intelligent? We’ll answer that question then by means of distinctions we don’t have a glimmer of now. That’s always how it happens.&lt;div class="blogger-post-footer"&gt;&lt;img width='1' height='1' src='https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/tracker/8328808403424165981-3518894704699343626?l=fixcentenario.blogspot.com' alt='' /&gt;&lt;/div&gt;</content><link rel='replies' type='application/atom+xml' href='http://fixcentenario.blogspot.com/feeds/3518894704699343626/comments/default' title='Post Comments'/><link rel='replies' type='text/html' href='http://www.blogger.com/comment.g?blogID=8328808403424165981&amp;postID=3518894704699343626' title='0 Comments'/><link rel='edit' type='application/atom+xml' href='http://www.blogger.com/feeds/8328808403424165981/posts/default/3518894704699343626'/><link rel='self' type='application/atom+xml' href='http://www.blogger.com/feeds/8328808403424165981/posts/default/3518894704699343626'/><link rel='alternate' type='text/html' href='http://fixcentenario.blogspot.com/2009/07/wittgenstein_1110.html' title='Wittgenstein'/><author><name>education</name><uri>http://www.blogger.com/profile/12343022453805740638</uri><email>noreply@blogger.com</email><gd:image rel='http://schemas.google.com/g/2005#thumbnail' width='16' height='16' src='http://img2.blogblog.com/img/b16-rounded.gif'/></author><thr:total>0</thr:total></entry><entry><id>tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8328808403424165981.post-2820833379440400331</id><published>2009-07-20T10:48:00.000-07:00</published><updated>2009-07-20T10:50:21.587-07:00</updated><title type='text'>Urban Social Processes</title><content type='html'>Urban Governance of Employment Activation. The Case of Barcelona Activa ( Spain ).&lt;br /&gt;Gentile, Alessandro&lt;br /&gt;Localización: http://hdl.handle.net/10261/1670&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Within the framework of the “knowledge society” and the globalized economy, with the consequent processes of rescaling nation-state and improving of more horizontal modes of governance, many European urban areas carry out activation policies through their capacity to mix productive flows, foreign investments, social characteristics and local economic development. According to this perspective, activation policies have to be interpreted as territorial qualified initiatives that contribute to shape local socio-economic growth. Barcelona Activa is the local development agency of the city of Barcelona (Spain) designed for the increase of employment, business cooperation and local entrepreneurial spirit. This agency promotes Barcelona through citizenship participation and professionalization, public-private partnership and integral plans of urban marketing. I will focus my analysis both on methodological strategies and governance outlines of this agency, approaching activation policies as indispensable instruments for the improvement of Barcelona as one of the most important southern gateway to Europe.&lt;div class="blogger-post-footer"&gt;&lt;img width='1' height='1' src='https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/tracker/8328808403424165981-2820833379440400331?l=fixcentenario.blogspot.com' alt='' /&gt;&lt;/div&gt;</content><link rel='replies' type='application/atom+xml' href='http://fixcentenario.blogspot.com/feeds/2820833379440400331/comments/default' title='Post Comments'/><link rel='replies' type='text/html' href='http://www.blogger.com/comment.g?blogID=8328808403424165981&amp;postID=2820833379440400331' title='0 Comments'/><link rel='edit' type='application/atom+xml' href='http://www.blogger.com/feeds/8328808403424165981/posts/default/2820833379440400331'/><link rel='self' type='application/atom+xml' href='http://www.blogger.com/feeds/8328808403424165981/posts/default/2820833379440400331'/><link rel='alternate' type='text/html' href='http://fixcentenario.blogspot.com/2009/07/urban-social-processes_6975.html' title='Urban Social Processes'/><author><name>education</name><uri>http://www.blogger.com/profile/12343022453805740638</uri><email>noreply@blogger.com</email><gd:image rel='http://schemas.google.com/g/2005#thumbnail' width='16' height='16' src='http://img2.blogblog.com/img/b16-rounded.gif'/></author><thr:total>0</thr:total></entry><entry><id>tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8328808403424165981.post-2006088704251918333</id><published>2009-07-20T10:45:00.000-07:00</published><updated>2009-07-20T10:47:59.585-07:00</updated><title type='text'>Social Theory</title><content type='html'>Daily Life and Social History in the Middle Ages&lt;br /&gt;Details about how people lived at various times and places in the Middle Ages can vary greatly and are not always available for a given society and time frame. These directories will help you find available resources.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Various Aspects of Medieval Life&lt;br /&gt;These sites look at a variety of topics concerning Daily Life in the Middle Ages, including horses, jesters, life in a castle, the manor, exemplia, and more.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Chains&lt;br /&gt;Slavery in the Middle Ages.&lt;br /&gt;Antique Pieces&lt;br /&gt;Three photographs of medieval artifacts display dozens of buckles, a knife and fork, and spurs. Provided by Wade Allen.&lt;br /&gt;Do Exempla Illustrate Everyday Life?&lt;br /&gt;Dense treatise by Mark D. Johnston explores the question, examining the literary genre and possible external influences in taking passages from exempla as evidence.&lt;br /&gt;Jacques de Vitry: Life of the Students at Paris&lt;br /&gt;A contemporary opinion on the evil behavior of raucous students at University, at Paul Halsall's Medieval Sourcebook.&lt;br /&gt;The Jester Pages&lt;br /&gt;Useful info about the history of the Jester, including some myth-busting, famous fools, and "foolish fashion," presented by Lisa Nelsen-Woods.&lt;br /&gt;The Legacy of the Horse&lt;br /&gt;Nicely illustrated examination of the place of horses in human history, at the International Museum of the Horse.&lt;br /&gt;Life in a Medieval Castle&lt;br /&gt;Useful information on the accomodations found in the castle, taken largely from Life in a Medieval Castle by Joseph and Frances Gies, at Jeffrey Thomas' Castles of Wales site.&lt;br /&gt;Manorial Language&lt;br /&gt;Useful glossary of terms relating to medieval manorial life, provided by T. J. Ray.&lt;br /&gt;The Medieval Manor&lt;br /&gt;A brief overview of the workings of a manorial estate and the importance of agriculture in feudal society by Professor Gerhard Rempel, Western New England College.&lt;br /&gt;Paston letters and papers of the fifteenth century&lt;br /&gt;Collection of documents from the Paston family, online at the Electronic Text Center, University of Virginia Library.&lt;br /&gt;So What is a Tsuba?&lt;br /&gt;Very interesting article by Kim Allen on the sword guard for the Japanese katana and tachi, the creation of which evolved into an art form of its own.&lt;br /&gt;Tales of the Middle Ages: Daily Life&lt;br /&gt;Three concise essays on hygiene and cosmetic care in medieval times, by James L. Matterer.&lt;br /&gt;Chains &lt;br /&gt; &lt;br /&gt; &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt; &lt;br /&gt;Slavery in the Middle Ages&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;When the Roman Empire fell in the fifth century, slavery, which had been such an integral part of the empire's economy, began to evolve into serfdom (an integral part of a feudal economy). Much attention is focused on the serf; his plight was not much better than the slave's had been, the primary difference being that he was bound to the land instead of to an individual owner, and could not be sold to another estate.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;But slavery didn't go away.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;In the earliest part of the middle ages, slaves could be found in many societies, among them the Cymry in Wales and the Anglo-Saxons in England. The Slavs of central Europe were often captured and sold into slavery, usually by rival Slavonic tribes. Moors were known to keep slaves and believed that to set a slave free was an act of great piety. Christians also owned, bought and sold slaves, as evidenced by the following:&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;When the Bishop of Le Mans transferred a large estate to the Abbey of St. Vincent in 572, ten slaves went with it.1&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;In the seventh century, the wealthy Saint Eloi bought British and Saxon slaves in batches of 50 and 100 so that he could set them free.1&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;A transaction between Ermedruda of Milan and a gentleman by the name of Totone recorded in 725 the price of 12 new gold solidi for a slave boy (referred to as "it" in the record). 12 solidi was much less than the cost of a horse.1&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;In the early ninth century, the Abbey of St. Germain des Prés listed 25 of their 278 householders as slaves.1&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Pope Gregory XI excommunicated the Florentines in the fourteenth century, and ordered them enslaved wherever taken.2&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;In 1488, King Ferdinand sent 100 Moorish slaves to Pope Innocent VIII, who presented them as gifts to his cardinals and other court notables.2&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Women slaves taken after the fall of Capua in 1501 were put up for sale in Rome.2 &lt;br /&gt;The ethics of the Catholic Church concerning slavery throughout the middle ages seems difficult to comprehend today. While the Church succeeded in protecting the rights and well-being of slaves, no attempt was made to outlaw the institution. Why?&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;One reason is economic. Slavery had been the basis of a sound economy for centuries in Rome, and it declined as serfdom slowly rose. However, it rose again when the Black Death swept Europe, dramatically reducing the population of serfs and creating a need for more forced labor.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Another reason is that slavery had been a fact of life for centuries, as well. Abolishing something so deeply entrenched in society -- all society -- would be about as likely as abolishing the use of horses for transportation.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Then there is the Christian philosophy itself. Christianity had spread like wildfire partly because it offered life after death in paradise with a Heavenly Father. Yes, life was terrible, injustice was everywhere, disease killed indiscriminately and the good died young while the evil thrived. Life on earth simply wasn't fair. But life after death was ultimately fair: the good were rewarded in Heaven and the evil were punished in Hell. This philosophy could sometimes lead to a laissez-faire attitude toward social injustice, although, as in the case of good Saint Eloi, certainly not always. And Christianity did indeed have an ameliorating effect on slavery.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Perhaps the world-view of the medieval mind can explain a great deal. Freedom and liberty are fundamental rights in twentieth-century western civilization. Upward mobility is a possibility for everyone in America today.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;What could such concepts mean to any member of such a highly-structured society as Europe in the middle ages? Each individual was born into a particular class, and that class -- whether it was the powerful nobility or the largely impotent peasantry -- offered limited options and strongly-ingrained duties. Men could become knights like their fathers (or farmers like their fathers, or craftsmen like their fathers) or join the Church as monks or priests. Women could marry and become the property of their husbands instead of the property of their fathers, or they could become nuns. Occasionally, an accident of birth or an extraordinary will would help someone deviate from the course medieval society had set, but these were notable exceptions.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;One way or another, medieval society had a way of keeping its people in chains. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt; &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Sources &amp; Suggested Reading&lt;br /&gt;The links below will take you to mySimon, where you can compare prices at booksellers across the web. More in-depth info about the book may be found by clicking on to the book's page at one of the online merchants.&lt;div class="blogger-post-footer"&gt;&lt;img width='1' height='1' src='https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/tracker/8328808403424165981-2006088704251918333?l=fixcentenario.blogspot.com' alt='' /&gt;&lt;/div&gt;</content><link rel='replies' type='application/atom+xml' href='http://fixcentenario.blogspot.com/feeds/2006088704251918333/comments/default' title='Post Comments'/><link rel='replies' type='text/html' href='http://www.blogger.com/comment.g?blogID=8328808403424165981&amp;postID=2006088704251918333' title='0 Comments'/><link rel='edit' type='application/atom+xml' href='http://www.blogger.com/feeds/8328808403424165981/posts/default/2006088704251918333'/><link rel='self' type='application/atom+xml' href='http://www.blogger.com/feeds/8328808403424165981/posts/default/2006088704251918333'/><link rel='alternate' type='text/html' href='http://fixcentenario.blogspot.com/2009/07/social-theory_4011.html' title='Social Theory'/><author><name>education</name><uri>http://www.blogger.com/profile/12343022453805740638</uri><email>noreply@blogger.com</email><gd:image rel='http://schemas.google.com/g/2005#thumbnail' width='16' height='16' src='http://img2.blogblog.com/img/b16-rounded.gif'/></author><thr:total>0</thr:total></entry><entry><id>tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8328808403424165981.post-5870935494765004128</id><published>2009-07-20T10:42:00.000-07:00</published><updated>2009-07-20T10:45:19.010-07:00</updated><title type='text'>Wittgenstein</title><content type='html'>Overcoming Structure and Agency&lt;br /&gt;Talcott Parsons, Ludwig Wittgenstein and the Theory of Social Action &lt;br /&gt;Anthony King &lt;br /&gt;University of Exeter, UK, A.C.King@exeter.ac.uk &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Since the 1960s, the later work of Ludwig Wittgenstein has had a marked influence on the social sciences. As an important sub-field, the sociology of science has drawn extensively on Wittgenstein and he has become a key reference point in debates in the philosophy of the social sciences about structure and agency. There, a number of commentators have employed Wittgenstein's `sceptical paradox' to demonstrate that the dualistic account of social reality provided by major figures in contemporary social theory such as Giddens, Bourdieu, Bhaskar and Habermas is unsustainable; it is individualist. This paper acknowledges the importance of Wittgenstein but maintains that a critique of contemporary social theory consonant with the `sceptical paradox' was already present in the sociological canon: in the form of Parsons' utilitarian dilemma in The Structure of Social Action. Accordingly, the utilitarian dilemma is recovered for current debates in order to demonstrate the enduring relevance of Parsons. Indeed, not only did Parsons provide a critique of individualism compatible with Wittgenstein's, but he actually transcended it.&lt;div class="blogger-post-footer"&gt;&lt;img width='1' height='1' src='https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/tracker/8328808403424165981-5870935494765004128?l=fixcentenario.blogspot.com' alt='' /&gt;&lt;/div&gt;</content><link rel='replies' type='application/atom+xml' href='http://fixcentenario.blogspot.com/feeds/5870935494765004128/comments/default' title='Post Comments'/><link rel='replies' type='text/html' href='http://www.blogger.com/comment.g?blogID=8328808403424165981&amp;postID=5870935494765004128' title='0 Comments'/><link rel='edit' type='application/atom+xml' href='http://www.blogger.com/feeds/8328808403424165981/posts/default/5870935494765004128'/><link rel='self' type='application/atom+xml' href='http://www.blogger.com/feeds/8328808403424165981/posts/default/5870935494765004128'/><link rel='alternate' type='text/html' href='http://fixcentenario.blogspot.com/2009/07/wittgenstein_20.html' title='Wittgenstein'/><author><name>education</name><uri>http://www.blogger.com/profile/12343022453805740638</uri><email>noreply@blogger.com</email><gd:image rel='http://schemas.google.com/g/2005#thumbnail' width='16' height='16' src='http://img2.blogblog.com/img/b16-rounded.gif'/></author><thr:total>0</thr:total></entry><entry><id>tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8328808403424165981.post-5301711344664721495</id><published>2009-07-20T10:37:00.000-07:00</published><updated>2009-07-20T10:41:59.525-07:00</updated><title type='text'>Urban Social Processes</title><content type='html'>Ethno-social processes in post-Soviet Eastern Kazakhstan&lt;br /&gt;Guzhvenko Julia, Barnaul State Pedagogical University, guzhvenko@eth.mpg.de&lt;br /&gt;Introduction: ethno-social specificities of Eastern&lt;br /&gt;Kazakhstan&lt;br /&gt;Eastern Kazakhstan is an important border area. This region is&lt;br /&gt;populated by two main ethnic groups – Kazakhs and Russians.&lt;br /&gt;Eastern Kazakhstan can be clearly distinguished from other&lt;br /&gt;Kazakhstan’s regions by its economic profile and by the fact that&lt;br /&gt;before the collapse of the Soviet Union it was unofficially considered&lt;br /&gt;as a “Russian” region. Russian-speakers in soviet time occupied the&lt;br /&gt;labour market in the urban territory and they were the predominant&lt;br /&gt;ethnic group in the towns. The Kazakhs living in the rural territory,&lt;br /&gt;had lower level of education then the Russians. After the collapse of&lt;br /&gt;SSSR the ethno-social structure of the population in this region has&lt;br /&gt;considerably changed due to three waves of migration: immigration&lt;br /&gt;of Russian population, emigration of oralmans (ethnic Kazakhs from&lt;br /&gt;other countries) to Kazakhstan, internal migration of rural population&lt;br /&gt;within the region to urban centers such as Ust-Kamenogorsk and&lt;br /&gt;Semipalatinsk.&lt;br /&gt;Introduction: ethno-social specificities of Eastern&lt;br /&gt;Kazakhstan&lt;br /&gt;After the breaking down of the Soviet Union rural Kazakhs started to&lt;br /&gt;migrate in urban centers because of an economic and agrarian&lt;br /&gt;crisis. From that moment one generation of Kazakhs have grown up&lt;br /&gt;with soviet education and they were able to work and study in&lt;br /&gt;towns. In other words, the Kazakh population have entered in the&lt;br /&gt;industrial type of society. Kazakhs started to occupy the labour&lt;br /&gt;niches which had been Russian-speaker’s prerogative before. This&lt;br /&gt;process sharply intensifies nationalistic feelings.&lt;br /&gt;References&lt;br /&gt;1 Gellner E. Nations and nationalism. M., 1991 Геллнер Э. Нации и национализм.&lt;br /&gt;М.: Прогресс, 1991&lt;br /&gt;2 Alaolmolki N. Life after the Soviet Union: the new independent republics of&lt;br /&gt;Transcaucasus and Central Asia. State University of New York, 2001; Tishkov V.&lt;br /&gt;Ethnicity, nationalism and conflict in and after The Soviet Union. London, 1997&lt;br /&gt;Scientific Approach&lt;br /&gt;Significance&lt;br /&gt;Ethnic and/or social tension?&lt;br /&gt;The exploration of the ethno-social processes and interethnic&lt;br /&gt;relations in Eastern Kazakhstan is much-requested in face of the&lt;br /&gt;fact that in 2007 president Putin have initiated a program with the&lt;br /&gt;goal to attract Russians from abroad to migrate to Russia. The&lt;br /&gt;borderland of Eastern Kazakhstan and its ethnic specificities allow&lt;br /&gt;considering the region as a potential donor region for Russia (in&lt;br /&gt;2005 statistics showed 43% Russians in Eastern Kazakhstan). The&lt;br /&gt;possible emigration of the Russian-speaker population from Eastern&lt;br /&gt;Kazakhstan might “play” a significant role in the demographic&lt;br /&gt;development of Russia’s border region.&lt;br /&gt;My research is based on E. Gellner’s conception of modernization&lt;br /&gt;which is postulated that there is only three stages of development of&lt;br /&gt;a society (hunter-gather, agrarian and industrial societies). In E.&lt;br /&gt;Gellner’s opinion in periods when transition from an agrarian society&lt;br /&gt;to an industrial one occurs nationalism feelings intensify. He&lt;br /&gt;underlines that the cruelest are those phases of nationalism which&lt;br /&gt;accompany early industrialization. E. Gellner explains that in such&lt;br /&gt;periods unstable social situation occurs and representatives of&lt;br /&gt;nationalities different from the dominating one are accused for the&lt;br /&gt;political, economical and educational inequality After the breaking down of the Soviet Union rural Kazakhs started to&lt;br /&gt;migrate in urban centers because of an economic and agrarian&lt;br /&gt;crisis. From that moment one generation of Kazakhs have grown up&lt;br /&gt;with soviet education and they were able to work and study in&lt;br /&gt;towns. In other words, the Kazakh population have entered in the&lt;br /&gt;industrial type of society. Kazakhs started to occupy the labour&lt;br /&gt;niches which had been Russian-speaker’s prerogative before. This&lt;br /&gt;process sharply intensifies nationalistic feelings.&lt;br /&gt;References&lt;br /&gt;1 Gellner E. Nations and nationalism. M., 1991 Геллнер Э. Нации и национализм.&lt;br /&gt;М.: Прогресс, 1991&lt;br /&gt;2 Alaolmolki N. Life after the Soviet Union: the new independent republics of&lt;br /&gt;Transcaucasus and Central Asia. State University of New York, 2001; Tishkov V.&lt;br /&gt;Ethnicity, nationalism and conflict in and after The Soviet Union. London, 1997&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Ethnic and/or social tension?&lt;br /&gt;The exploration of the ethno-social processes and interethnic&lt;br /&gt;relations in Eastern Kazakhstan is much-requested in face of the&lt;br /&gt;fact that in 2007 president Putin have initiated a program with the&lt;br /&gt;goal to attract Russians from abroad to migrate to Russia. The&lt;br /&gt;borderland of Eastern Kazakhstan and its ethnic specificities allow&lt;br /&gt;considering the region as a potential donor region for Russia (in&lt;br /&gt;2005 statistics showed 43% Russians in Eastern Kazakhstan). The&lt;br /&gt;possible emigration of the Russian-speaker population from Eastern&lt;br /&gt;Kazakhstan might “play” a significant role in the demographic&lt;br /&gt;development of Russia’s border region.&lt;br /&gt;My research is based on E. Gellner’s conception of modernization&lt;br /&gt;which is postulated that there is only three stages of development of&lt;br /&gt;a society (hunter-gather, agrarian and industrial societies). In E.&lt;br /&gt;Gellner’s opinion in periods when transition from an agrarian society&lt;br /&gt;to an industrial one occurs nationalism feelings intensify. He&lt;br /&gt;underlines that the cruelest are those phases of nationalism which&lt;br /&gt;accompany early industrialization. E. Gellner explains that in such&lt;br /&gt;periods unstable social situation occurs and representatives of&lt;br /&gt;nationalities different from the dominating one are accused for the&lt;br /&gt;political, economical and educational inequality[1].&lt;br /&gt;Fig. I New bridge in Semipalatinsk which was constructed in 1999&lt;br /&gt;Ukrainians, 1.1%&lt;br /&gt;Germans, 2.1%&lt;br /&gt;Russians, 45.4% Kazakhs, 48.5%&lt;br /&gt;Kazakhs&lt;br /&gt;Russians&lt;br /&gt;Ukrainians&lt;br /&gt;Germans&lt;br /&gt;Ethnic structure of Eastern Kazakstan (data of 1999 sensus)&lt;br /&gt;The researches about ethnic problems and national policy in&lt;br /&gt;post-Soviet Central Asia testify that authors tend to exaggerate&lt;br /&gt;role and importance of ethnicity in everyday life in Kazakhstan[2].&lt;br /&gt;Study of imagination on interethnic relations between Kazakhs&lt;br /&gt;and Russians, the inhabitant’s reaction on economic reforms,&lt;br /&gt;linguistic policy might reveal diverse factors which influence on&lt;br /&gt;social tensions and conflicts in Eastern Kazakhstan. The most&lt;br /&gt;important point is to define when social contradictions are&lt;br /&gt;transmuted in ethnic ones, that is not only interethnic antagonism&lt;br /&gt;“Russians – Kazakhs”, but also contradiction between different&lt;br /&gt;social groups within one ethnic group “urban Kazakhs – rural&lt;br /&gt;Kazakhs”.&lt;br /&gt;Significance&lt;br /&gt;Ethnic and/or social tension?&lt;br /&gt;The exploration of the ethno-social processes and interethnic&lt;br /&gt;relations in Eastern Kazakhstan is much-requested in face of the&lt;br /&gt;fact that in 2007 president Putin have initiated a program with the&lt;br /&gt;goal to attract Russians from abroad to migrate to Russia. The&lt;br /&gt;borderland of Eastern Kazakhstan and its ethnic specificities allow&lt;br /&gt;considering the region as a potential donor region for Russia (in&lt;br /&gt;2005 statistics showed 43% Russians in Eastern Kazakhstan). The&lt;br /&gt;possible emigration of the Russian-speaker population from Eastern&lt;br /&gt;Kazakhstan might “play” a significant role in the demographic&lt;br /&gt;development of Russia’s border region.&lt;br /&gt;Acknowledgement&lt;br /&gt;This research project has been supported by a Marie&lt;br /&gt;Curie Early Stage Research Training Fellowship of&lt;br /&gt;the European Community’s Sixth Framework Programme&lt;br /&gt;under contract number MEST-CT-2005-&lt;br /&gt;020702 within the project European Partnership for&lt;br /&gt;Qualitative Research Training (Social Anthropology).&lt;div class="blogger-post-footer"&gt;&lt;img width='1' height='1' src='https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/tracker/8328808403424165981-5301711344664721495?l=fixcentenario.blogspot.com' alt='' /&gt;&lt;/div&gt;</content><link rel='replies' type='application/atom+xml' href='http://fixcentenario.blogspot.com/feeds/5301711344664721495/comments/default' title='Post Comments'/><link rel='replies' type='text/html' href='http://www.blogger.com/comment.g?blogID=8328808403424165981&amp;postID=5301711344664721495' title='0 Comments'/><link rel='edit' type='application/atom+xml' href='http://www.blogger.com/feeds/8328808403424165981/posts/default/5301711344664721495'/><link rel='self' type='application/atom+xml' href='http://www.blogger.com/feeds/8328808403424165981/posts/default/5301711344664721495'/><link rel='alternate' type='text/html' href='http://fixcentenario.blogspot.com/2009/07/urban-social-processes_20.html' title='Urban Social Processes'/><author><name>education</name><uri>http://www.blogger.com/profile/12343022453805740638</uri><email>noreply@blogger.com</email><gd:image rel='http://schemas.google.com/g/2005#thumbnail' width='16' height='16' src='http://img2.blogblog.com/img/b16-rounded.gif'/></author><thr:total>0</thr:total></entry><entry><id>tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8328808403424165981.post-7293558299058878286</id><published>2009-07-20T10:36:00.000-07:00</published><updated>2009-07-20T10:37:30.415-07:00</updated><title type='text'>Social Theory</title><content type='html'>Drawing upon philosophy and social theory, Social Theory of International Politics develops a theory of the international system as a social construction. Alexander Wendt clarifies the central claims of the constructivist approach, presenting a structural and idealist worldview which contrasts with the individualism and materialism which underpins much mainstream international relations theory. He builds a cultural theory of international politics, which takes whether states view each other as enemies, rivals or friends as a fundamental determinant. Wendt characterises these roles as ‘cultures of anarchy’, described as Hobbesian, Lockean and Kantian respectively. These cultures are shared ideas which help shape state interests and capabilities, and generate tendencies in the international system. The book describes four factors which can drive structural change from one culture to another - interdependence, common fate, homogenization, and self-restraint - and examines the effects of capitalism and democracy in the emergence of a Kantian culture in the West.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;• Long-awaited study by a rising star in IR theory. Wendt’s work is well-known through articles, and this book presents it in this form for the first time • Sophisticated study of the importance of culture and ideas in international relations • Will be of interest to philosophy of social science people, and sociologists as well as IR theorists&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Contents&lt;br /&gt;Acknowledgements; 1. Four sociologies of international politics; Part I. Social Theory: 2. Scientific realism and social kinds; 3. 'Ideas all the way down?': on the constitution of power and interest; 4. Structure, agency and culture; Part II. International Politics: 5. The state and the problem of corporate agency; 6. Three cultures of anarchy; 7. Process and structural change; 8. Conclusion; Bibliography; Index.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Prize Winner&lt;br /&gt;International Studies Best Book of the Decade Award 2006 - Winner&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Reviews&lt;br /&gt;‘… a dense and sophisticated work of International Relations theory, concerned with the biggest of big questions, ‘what kind of ‘stuff’ the international system is made of’ … Social Theory of International Politics is destined to become perhaps the most discussed book in International Relations theory in a generation.’ Times Literary Supplement&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;‘Alexander Wendt has drawn on an exceptional range of theoretical literature in his effort to reconceptualize the nature of the international system. His discussion of scientific realism ought to be required reading for any student of international relations, or political science.’ Stephen D. Krasner, Review of International Studies&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;‘Alex Wendt’s Social Theory of International Politics … admirably attempts to do in an explicit manner what most scholars in the discipline do only implicity and often accidentally: suggest a social theory to serve as the foundation for theorizing about international relations … Social Theory tells an excellent story and will surely gain an important place in the annuals of international relations theory.’ Roxanne Lynn Doty, Review of International Studies&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;‘Alexander Wendt’s Social Theory of International Politics is so impressive an achievement that it has a good chance to become a standard text of the mainline, American-oriented, professional International Relations literature.’ Hayward R. Alker, Review of International Studies&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;‘Alexander Wendt’s book is virtually certain to become a classic work on international relations theory, standard on graduate reading lists. Wendt’s distinctive combination of scientific realism, holism, and what he calls ‘idealism’, will certainly spark much conversation and, it is to be hoped, a great deal of thought. Robert O. Keohane, Review of International Studies&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;‘… this book demonstrates that Wendt is among the top IR thinkers. This is a well-thought-out and philosophically inclined book, packed with ideas … Social Theory of International Politics is an excellent, comprehensive and illuminating book on international relations theory. Wendt’s arguments are varied and fascinating. I recommend this book highly to IR scholars and postgraduate students who take theory seriously.’ International Affairs&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;‘This is the most academic of these books … it has caused a stir in its field and may be the most important … Many previous theorists have ignored social factors and rejected the idea of international society, preferring to see the world as an ‘anarchy’ of states operating without moral or social restraint. But even anarchy, argues Mr Wendt, is a social construct - and anything which is the product of our ideas can be changed, if we want to change it strongly enough.’ Economist&lt;div class="blogger-post-footer"&gt;&lt;img width='1' height='1' src='https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/tracker/8328808403424165981-7293558299058878286?l=fixcentenario.blogspot.com' alt='' /&gt;&lt;/div&gt;</content><link rel='replies' type='application/atom+xml' href='http://fixcentenario.blogspot.com/feeds/7293558299058878286/comments/default' title='Post Comments'/><link rel='replies' type='text/html' href='http://www.blogger.com/comment.g?blogID=8328808403424165981&amp;postID=7293558299058878286' title='0 Comments'/><link rel='edit' type='application/atom+xml' href='http://www.blogger.com/feeds/8328808403424165981/posts/default/7293558299058878286'/><link rel='self' type='application/atom+xml' href='http://www.blogger.com/feeds/8328808403424165981/posts/default/7293558299058878286'/><link rel='alternate' type='text/html' href='http://fixcentenario.blogspot.com/2009/07/social-theory_20.html' title='Social Theory'/><author><name>education</name><uri>http://www.blogger.com/profile/12343022453805740638</uri><email>noreply@blogger.com</email><gd:image rel='http://schemas.google.com/g/2005#thumbnail' width='16' height='16' src='http://img2.blogblog.com/img/b16-rounded.gif'/></author><thr:total>0</thr:total></entry><entry><id>tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8328808403424165981.post-536657943730538933</id><published>2009-07-10T16:41:00.000-07:00</published><updated>2009-07-10T16:43:38.596-07:00</updated><title type='text'>Wittgenstein</title><content type='html'>Two&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;NAMES, USE AND GRAMMAR&lt;br /&gt;Wittgenstein IS fairly persuasive on the theme, which&lt;br /&gt;is anyway pretty obvious, that not all words, and not even all&lt;br /&gt;nouns, are names. He is on to something more subtle when he&lt;br /&gt;shows in various ways how, even when we think we are clear&lt;br /&gt;about this, many of the things that puzzle us in philosophy&lt;br /&gt;are troublesome at least partly because we press questions&lt;br /&gt;which make sense only on the supposition that certain words&lt;br /&gt;are names. The question 'What is the meaning of a word?',&lt;br /&gt;when it means 'Which object is the meaning of a word?',&lt;br /&gt;arises under such auspices, as do the questions 'What is&lt;br /&gt;(which something is) an intention, a belief, an expectation?'Still, some words are names, and Wittgenstein is neither so&lt;br /&gt;clear nor so well understood in the places where he seems to&lt;br /&gt;suggest that there is a great deal more to understanding a&lt;br /&gt;name than knowing the object, or family of objects, for which&lt;br /&gt;it stands. He says we must also know its use; but what is that?&lt;br /&gt;Most of us could not, without help, get much beyond suppos­&lt;br /&gt;ing that its use is to refer to objects like this, this and this; but&lt;br /&gt;Wittgenstein is either sceptical about whether that is part of&lt;br /&gt;the use at all, or uninterested in the fact that it is; and he&lt;br /&gt;suggests that there is at least much more to the use of a name&lt;br /&gt;than that, but gives us very little guidance on just what he has&lt;br /&gt;in mind. What is this 'use', to which he alludes, but which he&lt;br /&gt;scarcely describes?That problem arises from such passages in the Investiga­&lt;br /&gt;tions as the following:6.  I set the brake up by connecting up rod and lever.' -- Yes,&lt;br /&gt;given the whole of the rest of the mechanism. Only in conjunc­&lt;br /&gt;tion with that is it a brake-lever, and separated from its support it&lt;br /&gt;is not even a lever; it might be anything, or nothing. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;-7-&lt;br /&gt;  &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Questia Media America, Inc. www.questia.com &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Publication Information: Book Title: Understanding Wittgenstein: Studies of Philosophical Investigations. Contributors: J. F. M. Hunter - author. Publisher: Edinburgh University Press. Place of Publication: Edinburgh. Publication Year: 1985. Page Number: 7.&lt;div class="blogger-post-footer"&gt;&lt;img width='1' height='1' src='https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/tracker/8328808403424165981-536657943730538933?l=fixcentenario.blogspot.com' alt='' /&gt;&lt;/div&gt;</content><link rel='replies' type='application/atom+xml' href='http://fixcentenario.blogspot.com/feeds/536657943730538933/comments/default' title='Post Comments'/><link rel='replies' type='text/html' href='http://www.blogger.com/comment.g?blogID=8328808403424165981&amp;postID=536657943730538933' title='0 Comments'/><link rel='edit' type='application/atom+xml' href='http://www.blogger.com/feeds/8328808403424165981/posts/default/536657943730538933'/><link rel='self' type='application/atom+xml' href='http://www.blogger.com/feeds/8328808403424165981/posts/default/536657943730538933'/><link rel='alternate' type='text/html' href='http://fixcentenario.blogspot.com/2009/07/wittgenstein_871.html' title='Wittgenstein'/><author><name>education</name><uri>http://www.blogger.com/profile/12343022453805740638</uri><email>noreply@blogger.com</email><gd:image rel='http://schemas.google.com/g/2005#thumbnail' width='16' height='16' src='http://img2.blogblog.com/img/b16-rounded.gif'/></author><thr:total>0</thr:total></entry><entry><id>tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8328808403424165981.post-4084942658795056674</id><published>2009-07-10T16:40:00.000-07:00</published><updated>2009-07-10T16:41:41.268-07:00</updated><title type='text'>Wittgenstein</title><content type='html'>In my opinion there is not a sharp line to be drawn between&lt;br /&gt;philosophy and scholarship. Whatever philosopher I am&lt;br /&gt;reading, I find the asking of philosophical questions to be an&lt;br /&gt;indispensable tool of scholarship: such questions as 'If I take&lt;br /&gt;this argument this way, is it a good argument? If not, is there a&lt;br /&gt;better argument that can be read in the words in which this&lt;br /&gt;one is expressed?', or 'Does what he seems to be saying here&lt;br /&gt;make any sense, and if not is there any way of taking his&lt;br /&gt;words so that they do make sense, or make better sense?' I find&lt;br /&gt;that the pursuit of such questions leads me again and again to&lt;br /&gt;a richer understanding of another philospher's problems, and&lt;br /&gt;to an interpretation that not only passes scholarly tests, but&lt;br /&gt;gives me a new respect for the author's views and arguments.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;In Wittgenstein's case I find this leavening of scholarship&lt;br /&gt;with philosophy to be particularly essential, because where&lt;br /&gt;most other philosophers make every effort to minimise the&lt;br /&gt;interpreter's task by careful and precise articulation, Wittgen­&lt;br /&gt;stein on the contrary seemed to make some point of avoiding&lt;br /&gt;explaining what he wished to say. He prescribed work pro­&lt;br /&gt;grammes, but did not explain how to carry them out, or in&lt;br /&gt;what way he thought their results would be relevant; he asked&lt;br /&gt;questions but did not answer them; posed questions he&lt;br /&gt;thought ought not to be asked, without saying so until much&lt;br /&gt;later, and then only indirectly; asked apparently rhetorical&lt;br /&gt;questions when it turned out he thought they called for care­&lt;br /&gt;ful answering; and (if I am right) contrived his most forth­&lt;br /&gt;right statements in such a way as to conceal the point he&lt;br /&gt;wished to make.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;No doubt some people will disagree with this description&lt;br /&gt;of Wittgenstein's philosophical practice, but if, as I believe,&lt;br /&gt;he does in this way systematically avoid expressing his&lt;br /&gt;views, clearly the interpreter's task will be a peculiarly diffi­&lt;br /&gt;cult one, and there will be no way of understanding him&lt;br /&gt;without the philosophical activity of carrying out his work&lt;br /&gt;programmes, working out the significance of their results,&lt;br /&gt;answering his questions, deciding which of them thought&lt;br /&gt;deserved answers, and untangling his ambiguities and&lt;br /&gt;obscurities of his apparently forthright position statements.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;If you wonder sceptically what Wittgenstein's motivation&lt;br /&gt;could be for hiding his views in the way I have described, the&lt;br /&gt;answer is no doubt at the end of the Preface to the Philo­sophical Investigations&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;-viii-&lt;br /&gt;  &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Questia Media America, Inc. www.questia.com &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Publication Information: Book Title: Understanding Wittgenstein: Studies of Philosophical Investigations. Contributors: J. F. M. Hunter - author. Publisher: Edinburgh University Press. Place of Publication: Edinburgh. Publication Year: 1985. Page Number: viii.&lt;div class="blogger-post-footer"&gt;&lt;img width='1' height='1' src='https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/tracker/8328808403424165981-4084942658795056674?l=fixcentenario.blogspot.com' alt='' /&gt;&lt;/div&gt;</content><link rel='replies' type='application/atom+xml' href='http://fixcentenario.blogspot.com/feeds/4084942658795056674/comments/default' title='Post Comments'/><link rel='replies' type='text/html' href='http://www.blogger.com/comment.g?blogID=8328808403424165981&amp;postID=4084942658795056674' title='0 Comments'/><link rel='edit' type='application/atom+xml' href='http://www.blogger.com/feeds/8328808403424165981/posts/default/4084942658795056674'/><link rel='self' type='application/atom+xml' href='http://www.blogger.com/feeds/8328808403424165981/posts/default/4084942658795056674'/><link rel='alternate' type='text/html' href='http://fixcentenario.blogspot.com/2009/07/wittgenstein_10.html' title='Wittgenstein'/><author><name>education</name><uri>http://www.blogger.com/profile/12343022453805740638</uri><email>noreply@blogger.com</email><gd:image rel='http://schemas.google.com/g/2005#thumbnail' width='16' height='16' src='http://img2.blogblog.com/img/b16-rounded.gif'/></author><thr:total>0</thr:total></entry><entry><id>tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8328808403424165981.post-8107204863840111856</id><published>2009-07-10T16:39:00.000-07:00</published><updated>2009-07-10T16:40:53.596-07:00</updated><title type='text'>Urban Social Processes</title><content type='html'>Urban development and integration processes &lt;br /&gt;Home &gt; Research &gt; Social Sciences &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Part of ’Urban Dynamics’ project&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Objectives&lt;br /&gt;The aim of this sub-project is to produce a geographical analysis of the Indian Territory with the problematic of integration of Indian cities and towns in the globalization process during the last three decades.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt; By integration, we mean the phenomena by which a more and more increasing number of localities (urban agglomerations, but also villages) become connected each with many others together with different areas worldwide, within a range of hierarchical systems operating at the regional, national and global level. This integration process is taking place by means of numerous networks, which concern the various sectors of the Indian social systems: cultural, societal and economic. Cities and towns are the nodes of these networks as well as the factors of their dynamics. This concept enables us to take into account different processes, working complementarily or in competition. This leads to a reorganisation of the Indian Territory.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The sub-project aims to map and to analyse the distribution of these urban agglomerations as well as the organisation of these networks.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Materials and Methods&lt;br /&gt;The project gives great importance to automatic mapping and modeling.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Databases will be built at the national level, taking as base for the analysis, the 951 urban agglomerations of more than 50,000 inhabitants, the 593 Districts and the 32 States and Union Territories. The Data will be collected from the Census of India, from different Indian Ministries and from various sources, public and private publications as well as websites. Considering Indian companies, the work will concern the 2000 biggest ones, which account for about 70% of the industrial production at national level.&lt;div class="blogger-post-footer"&gt;&lt;img width='1' height='1' src='https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/tracker/8328808403424165981-8107204863840111856?l=fixcentenario.blogspot.com' alt='' /&gt;&lt;/div&gt;</content><link rel='replies' type='application/atom+xml' href='http://fixcentenario.blogspot.com/feeds/8107204863840111856/comments/default' title='Post Comments'/><link rel='replies' type='text/html' href='http://www.blogger.com/comment.g?blogID=8328808403424165981&amp;postID=8107204863840111856' title='0 Comments'/><link rel='edit' type='application/atom+xml' href='http://www.blogger.com/feeds/8328808403424165981/posts/default/8107204863840111856'/><link rel='self' type='application/atom+xml' href='http://www.blogger.com/feeds/8328808403424165981/posts/default/8107204863840111856'/><link rel='alternate' type='text/html' href='http://fixcentenario.blogspot.com/2009/07/urban-social-processes_10.html' title='Urban Social Processes'/><author><name>education</name><uri>http://www.blogger.com/profile/12343022453805740638</uri><email>noreply@blogger.com</email><gd:image rel='http://schemas.google.com/g/2005#thumbnail' width='16' height='16' src='http://img2.blogblog.com/img/b16-rounded.gif'/></author><thr:total>0</thr:total></entry><entry><id>tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8328808403424165981.post-24662162324747965</id><published>2009-07-10T16:34:00.000-07:00</published><updated>2009-07-10T16:39:25.044-07:00</updated><title type='text'>Social Theory</title><content type='html'>SOCIAL THEORY AND HIGHER EDUCATION&lt;br /&gt;Professor Sheila Slaughter&lt;br /&gt;Fall 2006&lt;br /&gt;1:25 PM-4:25 PM&lt;br /&gt;Meigs 218&lt;br /&gt;Office hours: Tuesday 1:30-5:00PM. Office phone: 542-0571; Email:slaughtr@uga.edu&lt;br /&gt;Course description. The course deals with social theory relevant to problems in high education. First we will deal with theories that treat the relation of higher education to its external environment. These theories deal with the relation of higher education to the society as a whole, and the relation between higher education and the state. Second, we will look at the place of women in higher education and feminist theory. Third, we will examine theories of organizations. Fourth, we will look at theories that deal with students: social stratification and questions of reproduction and socialization. Fifth, we will deal with the organization of knowledge: professionalization theories and sociology of science. Sixth, we will explore postmodern theory.&lt;br /&gt;Course objectives. (1) Introduce social theories in historical as well as current context that address higher education problems; (2) Show how theory shapes our understanding of these problems; (3) Work through the limits and possibilities of these theories; (4) Explore ways of theorizing.; (5) Use theory to frame a problem of interest.&lt;br /&gt;Course assignments. Students should come to class prepared. They should access the readings for the first day of class via e-reserves or library reserves. They should be prepared to discuss: (1) what problem(s) the theory addresses; (2) how the theory purports to explain the problem(s); (3) the assumptions implicit in the theory; (4) the analytical purchase provided on the problem(s) by the theory; (5) the types of methods the theory to which the theory lends itself; (6) the sorts of data that would be needed to use the theory productively; (7) what explanations the theory screens out; and (8) alternatives to the theory. Students will complete three papers. The first (20% of grade) uses the 8 preceding points to analyze a theory. The second (30%) does the same, using another theory. The third uses a theory to frame a problem of interest to the student (40%). The remaining 10% of the grade is based on contributions in class discussion.&lt;br /&gt;Required texts. There are no required texts. The readings are on reserve in hard copy and electronically.&lt;br /&gt;I. THE RELATION OF HIGHER EDUCATION TO SOCIETY&lt;br /&gt;Week. 1. Marx and the Marxian tradition&lt;br /&gt;McLellan, David. 2000. Karl Marx. Selected writings. 2nd edition. New York: Oxford University Press. Chapter 13. The German Ideology; Chapter 19. Wage labour and capital; Chapter 31. Theories of surplus value; Chapter 32. Capital.&lt;br /&gt;Seidman, Steven. 1994.”Chapter 1: Grand visions: Auguste Comte and Karl Marx; Contested knowledge: Social theory in the postmodern era. London, Blackwell, 19-54.&lt;br /&gt;1&lt;div class="blogger-post-footer"&gt;&lt;img width='1' height='1' src='https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/tracker/8328808403424165981-24662162324747965?l=fixcentenario.blogspot.com' alt='' /&gt;&lt;/div&gt;</content><link rel='replies' type='application/atom+xml' href='http://fixcentenario.blogspot.com/feeds/24662162324747965/comments/default' title='Post Comments'/><link rel='replies' type='text/html' href='http://www.blogger.com/comment.g?blogID=8328808403424165981&amp;postID=24662162324747965' title='0 Comments'/><link rel='edit' type='application/atom+xml' href='http://www.blogger.com/feeds/8328808403424165981/posts/default/24662162324747965'/><link rel='self' type='application/atom+xml' href='http://www.blogger.com/feeds/8328808403424165981/posts/default/24662162324747965'/><link rel='alternate' type='text/html' href='http://fixcentenario.blogspot.com/2009/07/social-theory_10.html' title='Social Theory'/><author><name>education</name><uri>http://www.blogger.com/profile/12343022453805740638</uri><email>noreply@blogger.com</email><gd:image rel='http://schemas.google.com/g/2005#thumbnail' width='16' height='16' src='http://img2.blogblog.com/img/b16-rounded.gif'/></author><thr:total>0</thr:total></entry><entry><id>tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8328808403424165981.post-1973032921708133371</id><published>2009-07-10T16:30:00.000-07:00</published><updated>2009-07-10T16:34:41.629-07:00</updated><title type='text'>Wittgenstein</title><content type='html'>WITTGENSTEIN WROTE cryptically, and to make sense&lt;br /&gt;of his prose is always a challenge. One method of coping with&lt;br /&gt;this problem that I have found useful is that of working out&lt;br /&gt;my own way of handling a problem with which he was&lt;br /&gt;dealing. Sometimes when I have come, largely on my own, to&lt;br /&gt;see a way through his difficulty, I found I had a vantage point&lt;br /&gt;from which for the first time I could make some clear sense of&lt;br /&gt;various remarks of his that had baffled me. That is by no&lt;br /&gt;means a fast route to understanding Wittgenstein. One may&lt;br /&gt;sometimes make a half a dozen attempts before the pieces&lt;br /&gt;begin to fall into place, and there are all too many of his&lt;br /&gt;themes on which it has not yet worked for me at all. But with&lt;br /&gt;luck and patience, often enough it is rewarding; and when it&lt;br /&gt;is, I am confronted with the question whether to present the&lt;br /&gt;conclusions I have reached as my own views, or as interpreta­&lt;br /&gt;tions of Wittgenstein. In an earlier volume, Essays after Witt­&lt;br /&gt;genstein ( Toronto, 1973), I followed the former course: I&lt;br /&gt;presented what I had to say as philosophy, rather than as&lt;br /&gt;Wittgenstein scholarship; but I confessed my belief that on&lt;br /&gt;many points I either had a correct interpretation of Wittgen­&lt;br /&gt;stein, or at least an interesting suggestion about how some of&lt;br /&gt;his deliberations might be understood.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The studies in the present volume do, or do more of, what I&lt;br /&gt;scarcely attempted in the earlier essays. They vary consider­&lt;br /&gt;ably in this respect, but they gravitate towards the scholar's&lt;br /&gt;task of focusing closely on particular passages and themes,&lt;br /&gt;bringing out in some detail the difficulties there are in under­&lt;br /&gt;standing them, projecting possible lines of interpretation,&lt;br /&gt;and comparatively evaluating these in the light of whatever&lt;br /&gt;textual evidence appears relevant.&lt;div class="blogger-post-footer"&gt;&lt;img width='1' height='1' src='https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/tracker/8328808403424165981-1973032921708133371?l=fixcentenario.blogspot.com' alt='' /&gt;&lt;/div&gt;</content><link rel='replies' type='application/atom+xml' href='http://fixcentenario.blogspot.com/feeds/1973032921708133371/comments/default' title='Post Comments'/><link rel='replies' type='text/html' href='http://www.blogger.com/comment.g?blogID=8328808403424165981&amp;postID=1973032921708133371' title='0 Comments'/><link rel='edit' type='application/atom+xml' href='http://www.blogger.com/feeds/8328808403424165981/posts/default/1973032921708133371'/><link rel='self' type='application/atom+xml' href='http://www.blogger.com/feeds/8328808403424165981/posts/default/1973032921708133371'/><link rel='alternate' type='text/html' href='http://fixcentenario.blogspot.com/2009/07/wittgenstein.html' title='Wittgenstein'/><author><name>education</name><uri>http://www.blogger.com/profile/12343022453805740638</uri><email>noreply@blogger.com</email><gd:image rel='http://schemas.google.com/g/2005#thumbnail' width='16' height='16' src='http://img2.blogblog.com/img/b16-rounded.gif'/></author><thr:total>0</thr:total></entry><entry><id>tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8328808403424165981.post-8668637036155736365</id><published>2009-07-10T16:29:00.000-07:00</published><updated>2009-07-10T16:30:35.096-07:00</updated><title type='text'>Urban Social Processes</title><content type='html'>Quick Search this Journal&lt;br /&gt;    &lt;br /&gt;Advanced Search&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Journal Navigation&lt;br /&gt;Journal Home&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Subscriptions&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Archive&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Contact Us&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Table of Contents&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Sign In to gain access to subscriptions and/or personal tools.   &lt;br /&gt;This Article &lt;br /&gt; &lt;br /&gt; Full Text (PDF)  &lt;br /&gt; References  &lt;br /&gt; Alert me when this article is cited  &lt;br /&gt; Alert me if a correction is posted  &lt;br /&gt; Citation Map  &lt;br /&gt; &lt;br /&gt;Services &lt;br /&gt; &lt;br /&gt; Email this article to a friend  &lt;br /&gt; Similar articles in this journal  &lt;br /&gt; Alert me to new issues of the journal  &lt;br /&gt; Add to Saved Citations  &lt;br /&gt; Download to citation manager  &lt;br /&gt; Request Permissions &lt;br /&gt; Request Reprints &lt;br /&gt; Add to My Marked Citations  &lt;br /&gt; &lt;br /&gt;Citing Articles &lt;br /&gt; &lt;br /&gt; Citing Articles via HighWire  &lt;br /&gt; Citing Articles via Google Scholar  &lt;br /&gt; Citing Articles via Scopus  &lt;br /&gt; &lt;br /&gt;Google Scholar &lt;br /&gt; &lt;br /&gt; Articles by Paasi, A. &lt;br /&gt; Search for Related Content  &lt;br /&gt; &lt;br /&gt;Social Bookmarking &lt;br /&gt; &lt;br /&gt;                   &lt;br /&gt;What's this?  &lt;br /&gt; &lt;br /&gt;Europe as a Social Process and Discourse &lt;br /&gt;Considerations of Place, Boundaries and Identity &lt;br /&gt;Anssi Paasi &lt;br /&gt;University of Oulu, Finland &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;During the 1990s competing images emerged of what constitutes European identity, who belongs to it, and what are its internal and external boundaries. This has forced reflection on the links between state territoriality, and territorialities occurring on and between other spatial scales. This paper analyses images of Europe, narratives on European identity, and how these images have implied different forms and conceptualizations of spatiality. Europe is understood as an experience, a structural body and an institution. Structural interpretations have traditionally been dominant, but now an institutional-bureaucratic view has taken a dominant position in defining what Europe is. Growing flows of refugees and immigrants call into question the state-centred identities and narratives of nationally bounded cultures. In the current situation a more cosmopolitan view is needed instead of the established, exclusive concept of place. The paper suggests that this can be done by understanding place as a cumulative archive of personal experience that is not bound with some specific location. Regions, for their part, may be understood as collective institutional structures. A challenge for research is to reflect how regions and places come together and what kind of spatial imaginaries and ideologies are involved in this process.&lt;div class="blogger-post-footer"&gt;&lt;img width='1' height='1' src='https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/tracker/8328808403424165981-8668637036155736365?l=fixcentenario.blogspot.com' alt='' /&gt;&lt;/div&gt;</content><link rel='replies' type='application/atom+xml' href='http://fixcentenario.blogspot.com/feeds/8668637036155736365/comments/default' title='Post Comments'/><link rel='replies' type='text/html' href='http://www.blogger.com/comment.g?blogID=8328808403424165981&amp;postID=8668637036155736365' title='0 Comments'/><link rel='edit' type='application/atom+xml' href='http://www.blogger.com/feeds/8328808403424165981/posts/default/8668637036155736365'/><link rel='self' type='application/atom+xml' href='http://www.blogger.com/feeds/8328808403424165981/posts/default/8668637036155736365'/><link rel='alternate' type='text/html' href='http://fixcentenario.blogspot.com/2009/07/urban-social-processes.html' title='Urban Social Processes'/><author><name>education</name><uri>http://www.blogger.com/profile/12343022453805740638</uri><email>noreply@blogger.com</email><gd:image rel='http://schemas.google.com/g/2005#thumbnail' width='16' height='16' src='http://img2.blogblog.com/img/b16-rounded.gif'/></author><thr:total>0</thr:total></entry><entry><id>tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8328808403424165981.post-8907334834394652079</id><published>2009-07-10T16:24:00.000-07:00</published><updated>2009-07-10T16:28:47.836-07:00</updated><title type='text'>Social Theory</title><content type='html'>The theorization of health issues is crucial both for understanding and as a guide for action. By providing a forum for academics and practitioners to engage with the theoretical development of the health debate, Social Theory &amp; Health aims to develop the theoretical underpinnings of health research and service delivery. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The journal is of interest to scholars of health-related sociology; nursing, health and clinical psychologists; health and public policy analysts and theorists in related disciplines. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The importance of social theory for health promotion: from description to reflexivity &lt;br /&gt;RUSSELL CAPLAN &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Health Education Authority London, UK &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Address for correspondence: Address for correspondence: Russell Caplan Health Education Authority Hamilton House Mabledon Place London WC1H 9TX UK&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;This paper argues that, contrary to much discussion on theory in health education/promotion, a definitive theoretical map is available for extending our understanding and enhancing our practice. This map consists of that vast pool of systematized social theory which preceded health education/promotion and which explains the descriptive terms in which it is thought about. This method of reflexive analysis combines two fundamental dimensions about the nature of scientific knowledge and the nature of society contained in the terms in which health education/promotion is presented. What emerges is a theoretical map consisting of four major approaches or paradigms with which to assess health education/promotion theories. Four models of health education are then briefly assessed according to this method of reflexive analysis. Within this analysis the terms of these models are situated in relation to more recent developments in health promotion policy demonstrating a more definite line of continuity in both thought and practice. In the study the terms health promotion and health education are used interchangeably—a common feature of current practice in the UK.&lt;div class="blogger-post-footer"&gt;&lt;img width='1' height='1' src='https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/tracker/8328808403424165981-8907334834394652079?l=fixcentenario.blogspot.com' alt='' /&gt;&lt;/div&gt;</content><link rel='replies' type='application/atom+xml' href='http://fixcentenario.blogspot.com/feeds/8907334834394652079/comments/default' title='Post Comments'/><link rel='replies' type='text/html' href='http://www.blogger.com/comment.g?blogID=8328808403424165981&amp;postID=8907334834394652079' title='0 Comments'/><link rel='edit' type='application/atom+xml' href='http://www.blogger.com/feeds/8328808403424165981/posts/default/8907334834394652079'/><link rel='self' type='application/atom+xml' href='http://www.blogger.com/feeds/8328808403424165981/posts/default/8907334834394652079'/><link rel='alternate' type='text/html' href='http://fixcentenario.blogspot.com/2009/07/social-theory.html' title='Social Theory'/><author><name>education</name><uri>http://www.blogger.com/profile/12343022453805740638</uri><email>noreply@blogger.com</email><gd:image rel='http://schemas.google.com/g/2005#thumbnail' width='16' height='16' src='http://img2.blogblog.com/img/b16-rounded.gif'/></author><thr:total>0</thr:total></entry><entry><id>tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8328808403424165981.post-981051634964570408</id><published>2009-06-29T16:11:00.000-07:00</published><updated>2009-06-29T16:14:09.189-07:00</updated><title type='text'>Wittgenstein</title><content type='html'>From Alexander Waugh, the author of the acclaimed memoir Fathers and Sons, comes a grand saga of a brilliant and tragic Viennese family.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The Wittgenstein family was one of the richest, most talented, and most eccentric in European history. Karl Wittgenstein, who ran away from home as a wayward and rebellious youth, returned to his native Vienna to make a fortune in the iron and steel industries. He bought factories and paintings and palaces, but the domineering and overbearing influence he exerted over his eight children resulted in a generation of siblings fraught by inner antagonisms and nervous tension. Three of his sons committed suicide; Paul, the fourth, became a world-famous concert pianist, using only his left hand and playing compositions commissioned from Ravel and Prokofiev; while Ludwig, the youngest, is now regarded as one of the greatest philosophers of the twentieth century. In this dramatic historical and psychological epic, Alexander Waugh traces the triumphs and vicissitudes of a family held together by a fanatical love of music yet torn apart by money, madness, conflicts of loyalty, and the cataclysmic upheaval of two world wars. Through the bleak despair of a Siberian prison camp and the terror of a Gestapo interrogation room, one courageous and unlikely hero emerges from the rubble of the house of Wittgenstein in the figure of Paul, an extraordinary testament to the indomitable spirit of human survival. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Alexander Waugh tells this saga of baroque family unhappiness and perseverance against incredible odds with a novelistic richness to rival Thomas Mann's Buddenbrooks.&lt;div class="blogger-post-footer"&gt;&lt;img width='1' height='1' src='https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/tracker/8328808403424165981-981051634964570408?l=fixcentenario.blogspot.com' alt='' /&gt;&lt;/div&gt;</content><link rel='replies' type='application/atom+xml' href='http://fixcentenario.blogspot.com/feeds/981051634964570408/comments/default' title='Post Comments'/><link rel='replies' type='text/html' href='http://www.blogger.com/comment.g?blogID=8328808403424165981&amp;postID=981051634964570408' title='0 Comments'/><link rel='edit' type='application/atom+xml' href='http://www.blogger.com/feeds/8328808403424165981/posts/default/981051634964570408'/><link rel='self' type='application/atom+xml' href='http://www.blogger.com/feeds/8328808403424165981/posts/default/981051634964570408'/><link rel='alternate' type='text/html' href='http://fixcentenario.blogspot.com/2009/06/wittgenstein_9852.html' title='Wittgenstein'/><author><name>education</name><uri>http://www.blogger.com/profile/12343022453805740638</uri><email>noreply@blogger.com</email><gd:image rel='http://schemas.google.com/g/2005#thumbnail' width='16' height='16' src='http://img2.blogblog.com/img/b16-rounded.gif'/></author><thr:total>0</thr:total></entry><entry><id>tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8328808403424165981.post-2127096299443276814</id><published>2009-06-29T16:09:00.000-07:00</published><updated>2009-06-29T16:11:03.483-07:00</updated><title type='text'>Urban Social Processes</title><content type='html'>Overview&lt;br /&gt;Scope and Purpose: The aim of this program is to facilitate research and studies for selected graduate and undergraduate students, professional journalists, and researchers who are studying some aspect of Cuba.  We address a wide array of social, economic and political issues unfolding in contemporary Cuba. In particular, we employ an interdisciplinary approach to understand how the built environment in both design fields and in a broader cultural context is interpreted. All curious participants are welcome and should not feel that this program is only for planners, architects or students of the humanities. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;In addition to a course-pack of diverse readings, the main social science and design reading will be:&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Segre, Roberto, Coyula, M., and Scarpaci, J. 2002. Havana: Two Faces of the Antillean Metropolis. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press. This book is required reading and can be purchased at the university bookstores. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Location: This study abroad is located in Cuba, where the students will travel to Havana, Trinidad, Santa Clara, and Varadero.  The program includes ground transportation on air-conditioned buses.  We will meet largely “outside the classroom,” which includes meetings with community organizations, government offices and NGO headquarters.  This will be the eleventh organized trip to Cuba. This will mark Professor Scarpaci's 30th visit to the island. In August 1999, the program received an institutional license from the Office of Foreign Assets Control, US Treasury, to conduct educational trips to the island. This institutional license, one of the first granted to an institution of higher education in the U.S., means that the program coordinator can license appropriate individuals to travel to Cuba. This greatly streamlines the paperwork process. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Academic Focus: The thematic focus remains: Urban design and planning under colonial, neo-colonial, and revolutionary rule; housing; the role of NGOs in Cuba's changing political economy; and the new private/mixed market. However, this year we will rely more heavily on the novel and short story to understand contemporary and historical accounts of the Cuban city. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Video: A video, in both English (Urban Design and Planning in Cuba: An Historical Perspective) and Spanish (Diseño Urbano y Planificación en Cuba: Una Perspectiva Histórica en Cuba) are available on this topic. The videos run 33 and 39 minutes, respectively. Also, students have worked on a Service Learning Grant in Cuba. Their community development project in an Afro Cuban neighborhood in Havana (Atarés) is described here. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Venue: The trip consists of a total of 12 days (5 days in Havana May 26 - 30, with a day trip to Pinar del Río) and then traveling to and staying in Trinidad (May 30 - June 1), and Santa Clara (June 2). We return to Havana for the balance of the trip. Trindad and Old Havana are UNESCO declared World Heritage Sites. In Havana we will meet with scholars from the José Antonio Echeverría Polytechnic Institute and in Santa Clara we will hold meetings with the Central University of Santa Clara. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Dates: 12 days, May 23-June 7, 2004. The program officially begins and ends in Miami. We shall clarify the departure point when the program date draws near. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Daily Activities: On class days, lectures or meetings with Cubans will be in the morning and in the afternoon students will go to a site that corresponds to the morning lecture.  Trips are planned to museums, architectural landmarks, public agencies, NGO’s, and universities.  There will be a fair amount of city walking, and participants should plan accordingly.  Students maintain journals throughout the course. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Cost from Miami: $2,400 plus $100 application fee(5% discount if paid by February 1st, 2004). All participants must register for 3 credits and will pay tuition directly to Virginia Tech. Final payment must be made by April 1, 2004. The cost includes round-trip charter flight from Miami to Havana, lodging, 2 meals daily, lectures and daily field trips, visas, bus travel, and lodging (double accommodations) to and from Trinidad, course reading packet, and lectures in Havana, Trinidad, and Santa Clara by architects, geographers, planners, writers, community organizers, common folk, and social scientists.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Instruction: The academic focus will be urban design and planning under colonial, republican, and revolutionary rule; housing; the role of non governmental organizations in Cuba's changing political economy; and the new private/mixed market; the use of the novel and short story in illuminating social and political life in Cuba..  &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Field Trips: The field trips will correspond to the lectures.  This way, students will see first hand some important concepts discussed in meetings and lectures.  There will also be a pig roast at a small farm outside Havana. Participants should anticipate a great deal of walking in the study sites. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Non-Virginia Tech students must complete a "Non-degree seeking application form" as part of the application process, which is available on the Virginia Tech admission offices' home pages. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Three (3) credit hours will be given for the program. However, an additional three credits is also available; please contact Professor Scarpaci for more details.  Both graduate and undergraduate credit will be offered under GEOG (Geography) 4984 and GEOG 5984.  Only a letter grade option is available. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Eligibility: The course is open to any student, professor, journalist or professional studying some aspect of Cuba or comparative aspects of urbanization, planning, social sciences, literature, architecture or community development. Students from other universities or persons enrolling as special students in Virginia Tech summer school may receive transfer credit. However it is their responsibility to arrange for the credit transfer.&lt;br /&gt;Most of all, this program requires flexibility and good social skills, in addition to intellectual curiosity. If you do not think you will be comfortable in a developing country, do not like traveling with small groups, are not a 'team-player,' are a picky eater or vegetarian, then you consider an alternative study-abroad venue.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Student Housing: The students will stay in 3-star bed and breakfast lodgings and some of the time in student boarding housing.  Students should anticipate brief power outages in Havana. Participants are advised that this is not a luxury trip and that food and lodging conditions vary widely. Flexibility, to be sure, is the key to a successful program. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Student Evaluations from previous trip: page 1, page 2 Here are the unedited open-ended evaluations from an earlier group. In addition, Professor Scarpaci will provide anyone with a list of e-mail addresses should they wish to contact program participants directly. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;See Pictures from the 2002 trip&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Application Form: The following form is not interactive, you may either print it out or save it as source and then pull it up in any word processor. The application form must be accompanied with a $100 non refundable  application fee.&lt;div class="blogger-post-footer"&gt;&lt;img width='1' height='1' src='https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/tracker/8328808403424165981-2127096299443276814?l=fixcentenario.blogspot.com' alt='' /&gt;&lt;/div&gt;</content><link rel='replies' type='application/atom+xml' href='http://fixcentenario.blogspot.com/feeds/2127096299443276814/comments/default' title='Post Comments'/><link rel='replies' type='text/html' href='http://www.blogger.com/comment.g?blogID=8328808403424165981&amp;postID=2127096299443276814' title='0 Comments'/><link rel='edit' type='application/atom+xml' href='http://www.blogger.com/feeds/8328808403424165981/posts/default/2127096299443276814'/><link rel='self' type='application/atom+xml' href='http://www.blogger.com/feeds/8328808403424165981/posts/default/2127096299443276814'/><link rel='alternate' type='text/html' href='http://fixcentenario.blogspot.com/2009/06/urban-social-processes_8499.html' title='Urban Social Processes'/><author><name>education</name><uri>http://www.blogger.com/profile/12343022453805740638</uri><email>noreply@blogger.com</email><gd:image rel='http://schemas.google.com/g/2005#thumbnail' width='16' height='16' src='http://img2.blogblog.com/img/b16-rounded.gif'/></author><thr:total>0</thr:total></entry><entry><id>tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8328808403424165981.post-5373387431519720344</id><published>2009-06-29T16:04:00.000-07:00</published><updated>2009-06-29T16:09:37.963-07:00</updated><title type='text'>Social Theory</title><content type='html'>Mike Gane, French Social Theory, Sage, London, 2003. (207 pp.)&lt;br /&gt;In French Social Theory Mike Gane has produced an absorbing look at the&lt;br /&gt;development of social theory in France from St. Simon to Baudrillard. Written, I&lt;br /&gt;assume, for an English speaking audience, this short but dense text illustrates&lt;br /&gt;not only the depth of Gane’s scholarship but also his ability to understand and&lt;br /&gt;delineate the nuances of French social theory that have intrigued sociologists in&lt;br /&gt;the English-speaking world since the 1960s. As a background to his discussion,&lt;br /&gt;Gane reminds us that social theory in France does not exist, but is a zone&lt;br /&gt;between literary and cultural theory (p. viii) and that methodology is more than a&lt;br /&gt;set of positivist techniques (p.73).&lt;br /&gt;Since theory, an abstract set of ordered ideas, is essential for the construction of&lt;br /&gt;any science; the development of “sociology” is then dependent on its history. By&lt;br /&gt;linking the progress of ideas about society to political context of French history,&lt;br /&gt;Gane uses Comtean sociology to analyze the development of social theory. He&lt;br /&gt;then constructs this history by following the sociological template introduced by&lt;br /&gt;St. Simon and Comte, and divides the search for the “social” into three periods&lt;br /&gt;creating a cycle of social theory: birth/altruism (1800-1879), rebirth/anomie&lt;br /&gt;(1880-1939) and second rebirth/hypertelia (1940-2000).&lt;br /&gt;The first cycle (altruism) is a sweeping narrative of the “social” in the theories of&lt;br /&gt;St. Simon and Comte. It starts with the post-revolutionary void (1815) when&lt;br /&gt;France faced reconstruction “without models, without theories” (p.3). This first&lt;br /&gt;cycle centres on sociology’s relation to religion and Comte’s learning from&lt;br /&gt;progress in mathematics, astronomy, physics, chemistry and biology. Gane&lt;br /&gt;emphasizes that Comte’s analysis is organized around the development of a&lt;br /&gt;“fundamental theory” (p.16) or positive philosophy to harmonize the sciences&lt;br /&gt;into a general theoretical system. In order to emphasize the birth of sociology&lt;br /&gt;and the “social” Comte “coined the word ‘altruism’ … to define that form of&lt;br /&gt;action contrasted with egoism” (p. 9). The section ends with the work of Littré,&lt;br /&gt;Comte’s disciple, who attempted to revise his teacher’s utopian notions and place&lt;br /&gt;the “social” within the confines of the law. Littré fails to keep the discipline alive&lt;br /&gt;as Comte’s following dwindled, as did sociology’s “intellectual discipline” (p.42).&lt;br /&gt;The second cycle (anomie) is focused on the rebirth of the discipline. Gane&lt;br /&gt;shows that it is not the birth of sociology that is secured by Durkheim, but its&lt;br /&gt;renaissance. Durkheim takes on the mantra of Comte in trying to show&lt;br /&gt;sociology’s unique place within the sciences and radicalized the discipline by&lt;br /&gt;breaking with ideology (p.52). Durkheim also follows Comte’s lead in the&lt;br /&gt;development of his concept of anomie in relation to unregulated development&lt;br /&gt;and pathology. Indeed, Gane’s excellent discussion of Rules and the concepts of&lt;br /&gt;social fact, normality and social pathology need to be read by all who are&lt;br /&gt;interested in social theory and especially those in criminology. Like Littré before&lt;br /&gt;him, Mauss took the reigns of French sociology after Durkheim’s death only to&lt;br /&gt;pull them toward anthropology, guiding the search for the “social” through the&lt;br /&gt;realm of culture. Of significance is Mauss’ classic The Gift, which concentrates on&lt;br /&gt;the obligations of exchange in society and, as Gane points out, can be seen as&lt;br /&gt;the beginnings of Structuralism and the analysis of power (p.85). The cycle ends&lt;br /&gt;with the embodiment of anomie in the behaviors of both Mauss and Bataille, a&lt;br /&gt;form of praxis that links with the next cycle.&lt;br /&gt;The third cycle, the second rebirth or hyperteliai, is different from the first two in&lt;br /&gt;that the connection to St. Simon and Comte is tenuous in the discussion of some&lt;br /&gt;of the theorists (e.g. Lyotard) and strong in the discussion of others (e.g.&lt;br /&gt;Canguilhem). Marx now becomes the prime directive of this cycle. Here, Gane&lt;br /&gt;illustrates a number of various streams, which have been forged in search of the&lt;br /&gt;“social” and shows their indebtedness, personified in various forms, to Marxism.&lt;br /&gt;Sartre, de Beauvoir, Lyotard, Canguilhem, Kristeva, Althusser, Foucault, Deleuze&lt;br /&gt;and Guattari, Baudrillard, Bourdieu and Berthelot are all discussed as key figures&lt;br /&gt;in this search. The attachment to the development of the discipline of Sociology,&lt;br /&gt;however, is lost or in crisisii, while the search for the “social” is now linked to&lt;br /&gt;linguistics, politics, structuralism, psychoanalysis, existentialism, postmodernism&lt;br /&gt;and fatalism. As in the previous cycles, the second rebirth reflects the turbulence&lt;br /&gt;of the era in which theory is being formed. The plethora of these new schools&lt;br /&gt;and perspectives veer from the original work of St. Simon, Comte and Durkheim&lt;br /&gt;to forge an expanded discipline of sociology. They all reflect the dissolution of&lt;br /&gt;the confines of the discipline. The search for the “social” is no longer bound to&lt;br /&gt;understanding the structure, meaning, progress and boundaries of the social&lt;br /&gt;contract. “This [new] logic is one that attacks and breaks down the traditional&lt;br /&gt;polarities of ritual exchange, and produces new hypertelic forms” (p.185).&lt;br /&gt;I am impressed by the work on the first two cycles, however, I have trouble with&lt;br /&gt;the third. Although the discussion in each of the six chapters in this section is&lt;br /&gt;excellent, in reading them together I am left with the question of why specific&lt;br /&gt;theorists are incorporated in the text while others are left out. Were these&lt;br /&gt;omissions purposeful or simply a matter of space and/or time? Ideally, I think an&lt;br /&gt;expansion of the last cycle to incorporate the unique dialogue, or debate over&lt;br /&gt;what constitutes the “social” within each of the streams would serve the English&lt;br /&gt;audience well: e.g., the relation between Althusser and Poulantzas, Derrida and&lt;br /&gt;Foucault and among Kristeva, Irigaray and Cixous. The assemblage of the&lt;br /&gt;sections in the last cycle is not linked together as I would have hoped but this&lt;br /&gt;may be that the discussion of these is more like a bricolage I am trying to&lt;br /&gt;impose a structure on.iii&lt;br /&gt;Overall, this is, as the advertisements say, an extraordinarily accomplished book&lt;br /&gt;and Gane’s work will have an impact on my teaching of social theory. Also, I&lt;br /&gt;recommend it to all who teach theory and are interested in the discipline of&lt;br /&gt;sociology.&lt;br /&gt;Barry Edginton, PhD&lt;br /&gt;Department of Sociology&lt;br /&gt;University of Winnipeg&lt;br /&gt;i This term is taken from Baudrillard, which means “a tragic state of passing beyond our own&lt;br /&gt;finalities” (p.99).&lt;br /&gt;ii See the work of Zygmunt Bauman on the crisis of sociology.&lt;br /&gt;iii For example, the section on Lyotard seems unconnected to the rest of the cycle.&lt;div class="blogger-post-footer"&gt;&lt;img width='1' height='1' src='https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/tracker/8328808403424165981-5373387431519720344?l=fixcentenario.blogspot.com' alt='' /&gt;&lt;/div&gt;</content><link rel='replies' type='application/atom+xml' href='http://fixcentenario.blogspot.com/feeds/5373387431519720344/comments/default' title='Post Comments'/><link rel='replies' type='text/html' href='http://www.blogger.com/comment.g?blogID=8328808403424165981&amp;postID=5373387431519720344' title='0 Comments'/><link rel='edit' type='application/atom+xml' href='http://www.blogger.com/feeds/8328808403424165981/posts/default/5373387431519720344'/><link rel='self' type='application/atom+xml' href='http://www.blogger.com/feeds/8328808403424165981/posts/default/5373387431519720344'/><link rel='alternate' type='text/html' href='http://fixcentenario.blogspot.com/2009/06/social-theory_1363.html' title='Social Theory'/><author><name>education</name><uri>http://www.blogger.com/profile/12343022453805740638</uri><email>noreply@blogger.com</email><gd:image rel='http://schemas.google.com/g/2005#thumbnail' width='16' height='16' src='http://img2.blogblog.com/img/b16-rounded.gif'/></author><thr:total>0</thr:total></entry><entry><id>tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8328808403424165981.post-434392401358613490</id><published>2009-06-29T15:57:00.000-07:00</published><updated>2009-06-29T16:03:57.988-07:00</updated><title type='text'>Wittgenstein</title><content type='html'>Wittgenstein was born into one of the wealthiest and most remarkable families of Habsburg Vienna. His father, Karl Wittgenstein, was an industrialist of extraordinary talent and energy who rose to become one of the leading figures in the Austrian iron and steel industry. Although his family was originally Jewish, Karl Wittgenstein had been brought up as a Protestant, and his wife, Leopoldine, also from a partly Jewish family, had been raised as a Catholic. Karl and Leopoldine had eight children, of whom Ludwig was the youngest. The family possessed both money and talent in abundance, and their home became a centre of Viennese cultural life during one of its most dynamic phases. Many of the great writers, artists, and intellectuals of fin de siècle Vienna—including Karl Kraus, Gustav Klimt, Oskar Kokoschka, and Sigmund Freud—were regular visitors to the Wittgensteins’ home, and the family’s musical evenings were attended by Johannes Brahms, Gustav Mahler, and Bruno Walter, among others. Leopoldine Wittgenstein played the piano to a remarkably high standard, as did many of her children. One of them, Paul, became a famous concert pianist, and another, Hans, was regarded as a musical prodigy comparable to Mozart. But the family also was beset with tragedy. Three of Ludwig’s brothers—Hans, Rudolf, and Kurt—committed suicide, the first two after rebelling against their father’s wish that they pursue careers in industry.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;As might be expected, Wittgenstein’s outlook on life was profoundly influenced by the Viennese culture in which he was raised, an aspect of his personality and thought that was long strangely neglected by commentators. One of the earliest and deepest influences upon his thinking, for example, was the book Sex and Character (1903), a bizarre mixture of psychological insight and pathological prejudice written by the Austrian philosopher Otto Weininger, whose suicide at the age of 23 in 1903 made him a cult figure throughout the German-speaking world. There is much disagreement about how, exactly, Weininger influenced Wittgenstein. Some allege that Wittgenstein shared Weininger’s self-directed disgust at Jews and homosexuals; others believe that what impressed Wittgenstein most about Weininger’s book is its austere but passionate insistence that the only thing worth living for was the aspiration to accomplish work of genius. In any case, it remains true that Wittgenstein’s life was characterized by a single-minded determination to live up to this latter ideal, in pursuit of which he was prepared to sacrifice almost everything else.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Although he shared his family’s veneration for music, Wittgenstein’s deepest interest as a boy was in engineering. In 1908 he went to Manchester, England, to study the then-nascent subject of aeronautics. While engaged on a project to design a jet propeller, Wittgenstein became increasingly absorbed in purely mathematical problems. After reading The Principles of Mathematics (1903) by Bertrand Russell and The Foundations of Arithmetic (1884) by Gottlob Frege, he developed an obsessive interest in the philosophy of logic and mathematics. In 1911 Wittgenstein went to Trinity College, University of Cambridge, in order to make Russell’s acquaintance. From the moment he met Russell, Wittgenstein’s aeronautical studies were forgotten in favour of a ferociously intense preoccupation with questions of logic. He had, it seemed, found the subject best suited to his particular form of genius.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Wittgenstein worked with such intensity on logic that within a year Russell declared that he had nothing left to teach him. Wittgenstein evidently thought so too and left Cambridge to work on his own in remote isolation in a wooden hut that he built by the side of a fjord in Norway. There he developed, in embryo, what became known as the picture theory of meaning, a central tenet of which is that a proposition can express a fact by virtue of sharing with it a common structure or “logical form.” This logical form, however, precisely because it is what makes “picturing” possible, cannot itself be pictured. It follows both that logic is inexpressible and that there are—pace Frege and Russell—no logical facts or logical truths. Logical form has to be shown rather than stated, and, though some languages and methods of symbolism might reveal their structure more perspicuously than others, there is no symbolism capable of representing its own structure. Wittgenstein’s perfectionism prevented him from putting any of these ideas in a definitive written form, though he did dictate two series of notes, one to Russell and another to G.E. Moore, from which one can gather the broad lines of his thinking.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;In the summer of 1914, at the outbreak of World War I, Wittgenstein was staying with his family in Vienna. Unable to return to Norway to continue his work on logic, he enlisted in the Austrian army. He hoped that the experience of facing death would enable him to concentrate his mind exclusively on those things that mattered most—intellectual clarity and moral decency—and that he would thereby achieve the degree of ethical seriousness to which he aspired. As he had told Russell many times during their discussions at Cambridge, he regarded his thinking about logic and his striving to be a better person as two aspects of a single duty—the duty, so to speak, of genius. (“Logic and ethics are fundamentally the same,” Weininger had written, “they are no more than duty to oneself.”)&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;While serving on the Eastern front, Wittgenstein did, in fact, experience a religious conversion, inspired in part by Leo Tolstoy’s The Gospel in Brief (1883), which he bought at the beginning of the war and subsequently carried with him at all times, reading and rereading it until he knew it practically by heart. Wittgenstein spent the first two years of the war behind the lines, relatively safe from harm and able to continue his work on logic. In 1916, however, at his own request, he was sent to a fighting unit at the Russian front. His surviving manuscripts show that during this time his philosophical work underwent a profound change. Whereas previously he had separated his thoughts on logic from his thoughts on ethics, aesthetics, and religion by writing the latter remarks in code, at this point he began to integrate the two sets of remarks, applying to all of them the distinction he had earlier made between that which can be said and that which must be shown. Ethics, aesthetics, and religion, in other words, were like logic: their “truths” were inexpressible; insight in these areas could be shown but not stated. “There are, indeed, things that cannot be put into words,” Wittgenstein wrote. “They make themselves manifest. They are what is mystical.” Of course, this meant that Wittgenstein’s central philosophical message, the insight that he was most concerned to convey in his work, was itself inexpressible. His hope was that precisely in not saying it, nor even in trying to say it, he could somehow make it manifest. “If only you do not try to utter what is unutterable,” he wrote to his friend Paul Engelmann, “then nothing gets lost. But the unutterable will be—unutterably—contained in what has been uttered.”&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Near the end of the war, while he was on leave in Salzburg, Austria, Wittgenstein finally finished the book that was later published as Tractatus Logico-Philosophicus. In the preface he announced that he considered himself to have found “on all essential points” the solution to the problems of philosophy. “The truth of the thoughts that are here communicated,” he wrote, “seems to me unassailable and definitive,” and, “if I am not mistaken in this belief, then the second thing in which the value of this work consists is that it shows how little is achieved when these problems are solved.” For the most part, the book consists of an austerely compressed exposition of the picture theory of meaning. It ends, however, with some remarks about ethics, aesthetics, and the meaning of life, stressing that, if its view about how propositions can be meaningful is correct, then, just as there are no meaningful propositions about logical form, so there can be no meaningful propositions concerning these subjects either. This point, of course, applies to Wittgenstein’s own remarks in the book itself, so Wittgenstein is forced to conclude that whoever understands his remarks “finally recognizes them as senseless”; they offer, so to speak, a ladder that one must throw away after using it to climb.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Consistent with his view that he had solved all the essential problems of philosophy, Wittgenstein abandoned the subject after World War I and instead trained to be an elementary school teacher. Meanwhile, the Tractatus was published and attracted the attention of two influential groups of philosophers, one based in Cambridge and including R.B. Braithwaite and Frank Ramsey and the other based in Vienna and including Moritz Schlick, Friedrich Waismann, and other logical positivists later collectively known as the Vienna Circle. Both groups tried to make contact with Wittgenstein. Frank Ramsey made two trips to Puchberg—the small Austrian village in which Wittgenstein was teaching—to discuss the Tractatus with him, and Schlick invited him to join the discussions of the Vienna Circle. Stimulated by these contacts, Wittgenstein’s interest in philosophy revived, and, after his brief and unsuccessful career as a schoolteacher came to an end, he returned to the discipline, persuaded, largely by Ramsey, that the views he had expressed in his book were not, after all, definitively correct.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;In 1929 Wittgenstein returned to Trinity College, initially to work with Ramsey. The following year Ramsey died at the tragically young age of 26, after a spell of severe jaundice. Wittgenstein stayed on at Cambridge as a lecturer, spending his vacations in Vienna, where he resumed his discussions with Schlick and Waismann. During this time his ideas changed rapidly as he abandoned altogether the notion of logical form as it appeared in the Tractatus, along with the theory of meaning that it had seemed to require. Indeed, he adopted a view of philosophy that rejected entirely the construction of theories of any sort and that viewed philosophy rather as an activity, a method of clearing up the confusions that arise through misunderstandings of language.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Philosophers, Wittgenstein believed, had been misled into thinking that their subject was a kind of science, a search for theoretical explanations of the things that puzzled them: the nature of meaning, truth, mind, time, justice, and so on. But philosophical problems are not amenable to this kind of treatment, he claimed. What is required is not a correct doctrine but a clear view, one that dispels the confusion that gives rise to the problem. Many of these problems arise through an inflexible view of language that insists that if a word has a meaning there must be some kind of object corresponding to it. Thus, for example, we use the word mind without any difficulty until we ask ourselves “What is the mind?” We then imagine that this question has to be answered by identifying some “thing” that is the mind. If we remind ourselves that language has many uses and that words can be used quite meaningfully without corresponding to things, the problem disappears. Another closely related source of philosophical confusion, according to Wittgenstein, is the tendency to mistake grammatical rules, or rules about what it does and does not make sense to say, for material propositions, or propositions about matters of fact or existence. For example, the expression “2 + 2 = 4” is not a proposition describing mathematical reality but a rule of grammar, something that determines what makes sense when using arithmetical terms. Thus “2 + 2 = 5” is not false, it is nonsense, and the philosopher’s task is to uncover the multitude of more subtle pieces of nonsense that typically constitute a philosophical “theory.”&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Wittgenstein thought that he himself had succumbed to an overly narrow view of language in the Tractatus, concentrating on the question of how propositions acquired their meaning and ignoring all other aspects of meaningful language use. A proposition is something that is either true or false, but we do not use language only to say things that are true or false, and thus a theory of propositions is not—pace the Tractatus—a general theory of meaning nor even the basis of one. But this does not imply that the theory of meaning in the Tractatus ought to be replaced by another theory. The idea that language has many different uses is not a theory but a triviality: “What we find in philosophy is trivial; it does not teach us new facts, only science does that. But the proper synopsis of these trivialities is enormously difficult, and has immense importance. Philosophy is in fact the synopsis of trivialities.”&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Wittgenstein regarded his later book Philosophical Investigations as just such a synopsis, and indeed he found its proper arrangement enormously difficult. For the last 20 years of his life, he tried again and again to produce a version of the book that satisfied him, but he never felt he had succeeded, and he would not allow the book to be published in his lifetime. What became known as the works of the later Wittgenstein—Philosophische Bemerkungen (1964; Philosophical Remarks), Philosophische Grammatik (1969; Philosophical Grammar), Bermerkungen über die Grundlagen der Mathematik (1956; Remarks on the Foundations of Mathematics), Über Gewissheit (1969; On Certainty), and even Philosophical Investigations itself—are the discarded attempts at a definitive expression of his new approach to philosophy.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The themes addressed by Wittgenstein in these posthumously published manuscripts and typescripts are so various as to defy summary. The two focal points are the traditional problems in the philosophy of mathematics (e.g., “What is mathematical truth?” and “What are numbers?”) and the problems that arise from thinking about the mind (e.g., “What is consciousness?” and “What is a soul?”). Wittgenstein’s method is not to engage directly in polemics against specific philosophical theories but rather to trace their source in confusions about language. Accordingly, Philosophical Investigations begins not with an extract from a work of theoretical philosophy but with a passage from St. Augustine’s Confessions (c. 400), in which Augustine explains how he learned to speak. Augustine describes how his elders pointed to objects in order to teach him their names. This description perfectly illustrates the kind of inflexible view of language that Wittgenstein found to underlie most philosophical confusions. In this description, he says, there lies “a particular picture of the essence of human language,” and “in this picture of language we find the roots of the following idea: Every word has a meaning. This meaning is correlated with the word. It is the object for which the word stands.”&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;To combat this picture, Wittgenstein developed a method of describing and imagining what he called “language games.” Language games, for Wittgenstein, are concrete social activities that crucially involve the use of specific forms of language. By describing the countless variety of language games—the countless ways in which language is actually used in human interaction—Wittgenstein meant to show that “the speaking of a language is part of an activity, or of a form of life.” The meaning of a word, then, is not the object to which it corresponds but rather the use that is made of it in “the stream of life.”&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Related to this point is Wittgenstein’s insistence that, with regard to language, the public is logically prior to the private. The Western philosophical tradition, going back at least to Descartes’s famous dictum “Cogito, ergo sum” (“I think, therefore I am”), has tended to regard the contents of one’s own mind as being foundational, the rock upon which all other knowledge is built. In a section of Philosophical Investigations that has become known as the private language argument, Wittgenstein sought to reverse this priority by reminding us that we can talk about the contents of our own minds only once we have learned a language and that we can learn a language only by taking part in the practices of a community. The starting point for philosophical reflection, therefore, is not our own consciousness but our participation in communal activities: “An ‘inner process’ stands in need of outward criteria.”&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;This last remark, along with Wittgenstein’s robust rejection of Cartesianism generally, has sometimes led to his being interpreted as a behaviourist, but this is a mistake. He does not deny that there are inner processes, nor does he equate those processes with the behaviour that expresses them. Cartesianism and behaviourism are, for Wittgenstein, parallel confusions—the one insisting that there is such a thing as the mind, the other insisting that there is not, but both resting on the Augustinian picture of language by demanding that the word mind has to be understood as referring to some “thing.” Both theories succumb to the temptation to misunderstand the grammar of psychological descriptions.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Related to Wittgenstein’s rejection of theorizing in philosophy are two more general attitudes that have to be taken into account if one is to understand the spirit in which he wrote. The first of these attitudes is a detestation of scientism, the view that we must look to science for a “theory of everything.” Wittgenstein regarded this view as characteristic of 20th-century civilization and saw himself and his work as swimming against this tide. The kind of understanding the philosopher seeks, Wittgenstein believed, has more in common with the kind of understanding one gets from poetry, music, or art—i.e., the kind that is chronically undervalued in our scientific age. The second of these general attitudes—which again Wittgenstein thought isolated him from the mainstream of the 20th century—was a fierce dislike of professional philosophy. No honest philosopher, he considered, could treat philosophy as a profession, and thus academic life, far from promoting serious philosophy, actually made it almost impossible. He advised all his best students against becoming academics. Becoming a doctor, a gardener, a shop assistant—almost anything—was preferable, he thought, to staying in academic life.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Wittgenstein himself several times considered leaving his academic job in favour of training to become a psychiatrist. In 1935 he even thought seriously of moving to the Soviet Union to work on a farm. When he was offered the prestigious chair of philosophy at Cambridge in 1939, he accepted, but with severe misgivings. During World War II he worked as a porter in Guy’s Hospital in London and then as an assistant in a medical research team. In 1947 he finally resigned his academic position and moved to Ireland to work on his own, as he had done in Norway before World War I. In 1949 he discovered that he had cancer of the prostate, and in 1951 he moved into his doctor’s house in Cambridge, knowing that he had only a few months to live. He died on April 29, 1951. His last words were: “Tell them I’ve had a wonderful life.”&lt;div class="blogger-post-footer"&gt;&lt;img width='1' height='1' src='https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/tracker/8328808403424165981-434392401358613490?l=fixcentenario.blogspot.com' alt='' /&gt;&lt;/div&gt;</content><link rel='replies' type='application/atom+xml' href='http://fixcentenario.blogspot.com/feeds/434392401358613490/comments/default' title='Post Comments'/><link rel='replies' type='text/html' href='http://www.blogger.com/comment.g?blogID=8328808403424165981&amp;postID=434392401358613490' title='0 Comments'/><link rel='edit' type='application/atom+xml' href='http://www.blogger.com/feeds/8328808403424165981/posts/default/434392401358613490'/><link rel='self' type='application/atom+xml' href='http://www.blogger.com/feeds/8328808403424165981/posts/default/434392401358613490'/><link rel='alternate' type='text/html' href='http://fixcentenario.blogspot.com/2009/06/wittgenstein_29.html' title='Wittgenstein'/><author><name>education</name><uri>http://www.blogger.com/profile/12343022453805740638</uri><email>noreply@blogger.com</email><gd:image rel='http://schemas.google.com/g/2005#thumbnail' width='16' height='16' src='http://img2.blogblog.com/img/b16-rounded.gif'/></author><thr:total>0</thr:total></entry><entry><id>tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8328808403424165981.post-7885433211956855468</id><published>2009-06-29T15:54:00.000-07:00</published><updated>2009-06-29T15:57:14.024-07:00</updated><title type='text'>Urban Social Processes</title><content type='html'>Since the 1990s, the São Paulo government has attempted to transform the low-income Luz neighbourhood into a so-called 'Cultural Pole' through cultural institutions and urban design. Architects and government officials have represented their audience as an all-inclusive 'public'. However, the Cultural Pole actively promotes gentrification, that is, social exclusion. I contrast the official notion of 'public' brandished by the São Paulo government with a critique of space - not only the space designed by architects, but also that configured by use, occupation, and conflict. I consider how social groups have protested the Cultural Pole, building a realm of debate, conflict, and negotiation. I characterize this realm as a public sphere relating to and intersecting the spatial domain. By pointing to the intersection of discourses, social representations, and spatial practices, I suggest that these realms are mutually constitutive. While the revamping of the Luz neighbourhood and the proposed Cultural Pole are steeped in the particular context of São Paulo - a deeply unequal metropolis in a country marked by severe social disparities - the present discussion holds global value. First, the Cultural Pole is part of far-reaching urban and economic processes associated with globalization - as Smith puts it, gentrification as a new 'global urban strategy'. Second, inequality is not exclusive to poorer countries. The restructuring of labour and production markets and the pressure for financial competitiveness have sharpened differences within wealthier regions. The focused examination in this paper is thus also intended to resonate with other places and processes.&lt;div class="blogger-post-footer"&gt;&lt;img width='1' height='1' src='https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/tracker/8328808403424165981-7885433211956855468?l=fixcentenario.blogspot.com' alt='' /&gt;&lt;/div&gt;</content><link rel='replies' type='application/atom+xml' href='http://fixcentenario.blogspot.com/feeds/7885433211956855468/comments/default' title='Post Comments'/><link rel='replies' type='text/html' href='http://www.blogger.com/comment.g?blogID=8328808403424165981&amp;postID=7885433211956855468' title='0 Comments'/><link rel='edit' type='application/atom+xml' href='http://www.blogger.com/feeds/8328808403424165981/posts/default/7885433211956855468'/><link rel='self' type='application/atom+xml' href='http://www.blogger.com/feeds/8328808403424165981/posts/default/7885433211956855468'/><link rel='alternate' type='text/html' href='http://fixcentenario.blogspot.com/2009/06/urban-social-processes_29.html' title='Urban Social Processes'/><author><name>education</name><uri>http://www.blogger.com/profile/12343022453805740638</uri><email>noreply@blogger.com</email><gd:image rel='http://schemas.google.com/g/2005#thumbnail' width='16' height='16' src='http://img2.blogblog.com/img/b16-rounded.gif'/></author><thr:total>0</thr:total></entry><entry><id>tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8328808403424165981.post-128024876503831792</id><published>2009-06-29T15:51:00.000-07:00</published><updated>2009-06-29T15:54:04.386-07:00</updated><title type='text'>Social Theory</title><content type='html'>Social Theory In Archaeology &lt;br /&gt;Since the debut of the New Archaeology in the 1960s, approaches to the science of interpreting the material past have proliferated.&lt;br /&gt;Seeking to find common ground in an increasingly fractious and polarized discipline, a group of archaeological theorists representing various schools of thought gathered in a roundtable during the fall of 1997. As organizer, Michael Schiffer sought to build bridges that might begin to span the conceptual chasms that have formed in archaeology during the past few decades. Many participants in the roundtable accepted the challenge of building bridges, but some rejected the premise that bridge building is desirable or feasible. Even so, every chapter in the resulting volume contributes something provocative or significant to the enterprise of constructing social theory in archaeology and setting the agenda for future social-theoretic research.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;With contributions from every major school of thought, whether informed by evolutionary theory, feminism, chaos theory, behavioralism, or post-processualism, this volume serves as both handbook to an array of theoretical approaches and as a useful look at each school's response to criticism.&lt;div class="blogger-post-footer"&gt;&lt;img width='1' height='1' src='https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/tracker/8328808403424165981-128024876503831792?l=fixcentenario.blogspot.com' alt='' /&gt;&lt;/div&gt;</content><link rel='replies' type='application/atom+xml' href='http://fixcentenario.blogspot.com/feeds/128024876503831792/comments/default' title='Post Comments'/><link rel='replies' type='text/html' href='http://www.blogger.com/comment.g?blogID=8328808403424165981&amp;postID=128024876503831792' title='0 Comments'/><link rel='edit' type='application/atom+xml' href='http://www.blogger.com/feeds/8328808403424165981/posts/default/128024876503831792'/><link rel='self' type='application/atom+xml' href='http://www.blogger.com/feeds/8328808403424165981/posts/default/128024876503831792'/><link rel='alternate' type='text/html' href='http://fixcentenario.blogspot.com/2009/06/social-theory_29.html' title='Social Theory'/><author><name>education</name><uri>http://www.blogger.com/profile/12343022453805740638</uri><email>noreply@blogger.com</email><gd:image rel='http://schemas.google.com/g/2005#thumbnail' width='16' height='16' src='http://img2.blogblog.com/img/b16-rounded.gif'/></author><thr:total>0</thr:total></entry><entry><id>tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8328808403424165981.post-8209706187282119672</id><published>2009-06-26T06:08:00.000-07:00</published><updated>2009-06-26T06:10:21.749-07:00</updated><title type='text'>Wittgenstein</title><content type='html'>Ludwig Wittgenstein (1889-1951)&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Nicholas C. Burbules and Michael Peters&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;(for 100 Key Thinkers on Education, Joy Palmer and David Cooper, eds.)&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;In teaching you philosophy I’m like a guide showing you how to find your way round London....a rather bad guide.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Ludwig Wittgenstein was born to an aristocratic family in Vienna, April 26 1889. He was the youngest of eight very precocious children, and was preoccupied all his life with questions of genius, artistic creativity, and suicide (three of his brothers died that way). In 1911, on the advice of Gottlob Frege, he went to meet Bertrand Russell at Cambridge, after which he was admitted to Trinity College. Russell was impressed by Wittgenstein, and urged him to study mathematical logic. They worked as colleagues, even though Wittgenstein was technically an undergraduate. Over time, however, the relations between Wittgenstein and Russell became strained, and in 1913 Wittgenstein left Cambridge. He enrolled in the Austrian army just a few days after WW I was declared; he was eventually taken prisoner in Italy, but during these years he managed to write the one philosophical book published during his lifetime, the Tractatus Logico-Philosophicus. The manuscript was sent to Russell while Wittgenstein was still a prisoner, and with Russell’s (somewhat equivocal) support and Introduction it was eventually published in 1922, exerting an enormous philosophical influence, particularly on the positivists of the Vienna Circle, which included Rudolf Carnap, Herbert Feigl, Moritz Schlick, and Friedrich Waismann, with whom Wittgenstein became acquainted.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Wittgenstein, on the death of his father in 1913, had inherited a substantial part of his family’s fortune. In 1919 he gave it all away and went to work as a teacher in the small Austrian villages of Trattenbach, Hassbach, Puchberg, and Otterthal during the years of 1920-26. Following a series of short stints, he resigned his post in Otterthal under a cloud of suspicion over allegedly striking a female student (not the first student he had struck during his teaching years, apparently). After working as a gardener and helping to design and build a house for one of his sisters, he returned to Cambridge in 1929. His Ph.D. was granted based on the Tractatus as his thesis, he was given a five year fellowship, and he taught at Trinity College until 1935, when he left again, spending time in Russia, Norway, Austria, and Ireland. By 1935 Wittgenstein was having serious doubts about the value of philosophy, and was actively counseling his students to find a more "useful" line of work. Yet in 1938 he returned to Cambridge, becoming a Professor in 1939. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;During the 1930s and 40s he wrote a great deal in the form of remarks, aphorisms, and fragments; but none of this work was published during his lifetime. A major part of what was to become his second major work, the Philosophical Investigations, was compiled by 1945, but was not published until 1953, two years after his death. In the Investigations, Wittgenstein criticized, and to a large extent rejected, the views developed in the Tractatus , specifically in developing a more "anthropological" and pragmatic view of language – and so we have the remarkable phenomenon of someone giving impetus to two major, and opposed, philosophical movements during his lifetime. Wittgenstein resigned his professorship in 1947, continuing to work on the Investigations and other projects until his death from prostrate cancer in April 1951. Throughout his career, Wittgenstein struggled with self-doubt about his worth as a philosopher and the value of philosophy itself; about his identity and moral character; and about his sexual and amorous relationships. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Wittgenstein is rarely considered an educational thinker per se. Except for a few comments and aphorisms, he wrote very little about the topic. But it is also clear that he thought very seriously about education. It is well-known, for example, that he taught in a highly idiosyncratic manner, and that for years after young philosophers at Cambridge mimicked his habits and style. It is less well-known that he taught in rural Austria during the "wilderness years" of the 20’s, during which time he wrote a school textbook. We have also been struck by Wittgenstein’s frequent use of pedagogical examples and analogies to make philosophical points in his writing. Indeed, we have argued elsewhere that Wittgenstein’s style of writing and doing philosophy is fundamentally pedagogical: that is, premised on teaching a way of thinking about philosophical problems or – in certain instances – on unlearning certain bad philosophical habits.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;There are at least three ways, then, to explore Wittgenstein’s educational thought and practice: First, through his university teaching; second, through the accounts of his experiences as a primary and secondary school teacher in Austria; third, through his style of writing and composing his philosophical ideas, particularly in his later work.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;(1) Much of what we have from Wittgenstein relies upon recollections or reconstructions of his teaching by his university students. Many of his posthumous "works" are actually transcriptions, discussions, course notes, or lectures recorded by his students and colleagues. His styles of teaching and thinking in performance, therefore, constitute a significant proportion of his extant works. These accounts of his teaching confirm his intensity of thinking and his honesty as a thinker and teacher. If he was unforgiving in his treatment of his students, it is because he was unforgiving with himself. The long painful silences that interspersed his classes, his disregard for institutional conventions in pedagogy, and his relentless criticism (and self-criticism) were an essential part of his teaching style.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Accounts of Wittgenstein as a teacher of philosophy are legendary. D.A.T. Gasking and A.C. Jackson report the following description Wittgenstein gave of his own teaching:&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;In teaching you philosophy I’m like a guide showing you how to find your way round London. I have to take you through the city from north to south, from east to west, from Euston to the embankment and from Piccadilly to the Marble Arch. After I have taken you many journeys through the city, in all sorts of directions, we shall have passed through any given street a number of times – each time traversing the street as part of a different journey. At the end of this you will know London; you will be able to find your way about like a Londoner. Of course, a good guide will take you through the more important streets more often than he takes you down side streets; a bad guide will do the opposite. In philosophy I’m a rather bad guide.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;This passage indicates Wittgenstein’s penchant for comparing doing philosophy with making a journey.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Gasking and Jackson focus on the "technique of oral discussion" Wittgenstein used, a technique they describe as, at first, bewildering: &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Example was piled up on example. Sometimes the examples were fantastic, as when one was invited to consider the very odd linguistic or other behavior of an imaginary tribe....Sometimes the example was just a reminder of some well-known homely fact. Always the case was given in concrete detail, described in down-to-earth everyday language. Nearly every single thing said was easy to follow and was usually not the sort of thing anyone would wish to dispute. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The difficulty came from seeing where this "repetitive concrete" talk was leading. Sometimes he "would break off, saying, ‘Just a minute, let me think!’...or he would exclaim, ‘This is as difficult as hell.’’’ Sometimes the point of the many examples became suddenly clear as though the solution was obvious and simple. Gasking and Jackson report Wittgenstein as saying that he wanted to show his students that they had confusions that they never thought they could have and admonished them by saying, "You must say what you really think as though no one, not even you, could overhear it."&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Karl Britton reports that Wittgenstein thought there was no test one could apply to discover whether a philosopher was teaching properly: "He said that many of his pupils merely put forward his own ideas: and that many of them imitated his voice and manner; but that he could easily distinguish those who really understood." Indeed, this degree of influence made Wittgenstein wonder whether he was a good teacher at all:&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;A teacher may get good, even astounding, results from his pupils while he is teaching them and yet not be a good teacher; because it may be that, while his pupils are directly under his influence, he raises them to a height which is not natural to them, without fostering their own capacities for work at this level, so that they immediately decline again as soon as the teacher leaves the classroom. Perhaps this is how it is with me.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;G.H. Von Wright, a far from unsympathetic observer, thought that Wittgenstein’s concern was well-founded:&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;He thought his influence as a teacher was, on the whole, harmful to the development of independent minds in his disciples....The magic of his personality and style was most inviting and persuasive. To learn from Wittgenstein without coming to adopt his forms of expression and catchwords and even his tone of voice, his mien and gestures, was almost impossible.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Doing philosophy always took priority for Wittgenstein, whether this was in oral or written form: it was important to show the deep puzzles in our language (and our culture and thinking) as well as dissolving them. Doing philosophy let the fly out of the fly-bottle: it cured our buzzing confusion and allowed us to lead useful and practical lives. Wittgenstein said "a philosophical problem has the form ‘I don’t know my way about.’" His style of teaching philosophy was designed to enable listeners to shift their thinking, to think differently about a problem, which was often in his view the only way to "solve" it. In this respect, one can teach only as a "guide."&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;(2) Ray Monk, one of Wittgenstein’s primary biographers, devotes a chapter ("An Entirely Rural Affair") to Wittgenstein’s years as a school teacher during the 1920s. His account of Wittgenstein’s teaching service in the village schools of rural Austria paints Wittgenstein as a teacher with exacting standards and little patience, one who was given to violent outbursts against his students. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;These are significant biographical details. Indeed, it is suggested by Fania Pascal that it was an episode in Wittgenstein’s career as a teacher that involved hitting one of his girl pupils (and which he later denied to the principal), that "stood out as a crisis of his early manhood" and caused him to give up teaching. Rhees, commenting upon this same episode, quotes from a letter from Wittgenstein to Russell: "how can I be a logician before I’m a human being! Far the most important thing is to settle accounts with myself!"&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Monk describes Wittgenstein’s misgivings about Glöckel’s school reforms and the publication of Wittgenstein’s Wörterbuch für Volksschullen – a spelling dictionary – in 1925, and yet does not recognize the significance of Wittgenstein’s experiences as a school teacher for his later philosophy. William Bartley is one of the few scholars to devote any space to Wittgenstein’s development during the 1920s. His major historical claim is that there are "Certain similarities between some themes of Glöckel’s program and Bühler’s theories on the one hand, and ideas which infuse the later work of Wittgenstein." Otto Glöckel was administrative head of the socialist school-reform, which had attacked the old "drill" schools of the Hapsburgs based on passive rote learning and memorization, to argue for the establishment of the Arbeitsschule or "working school" based on the active participation of pupils and a doctrine of learning by doing. Bartley conjectures that the themes of the school-reform movement and, in particular, the views of Karl Bühler, Professor of Philosophy at the University of Vienna and at the Vienna Pedagogical Institute, who was invited to Vienna by Glöckel and his colleagues in 1922, in large measure accounted for the profound change in Wittgenstein’s philosophizing in the late 1920s. He bases this claim upon the "striking similarities" between their ideas and some historical circumstantial evidence. Bartley also provides some textual evidence; he quotes Wittgenstein in Zettel: "Am I doing child psychology?....I am making a connection between the concept of teaching and the concept of meaning." He recounts a story that Wittgenstein used to tell his pupils in Trattenbach from 1921 concerning an experiment to determine whether children who had not yet learned to speak, locked away with a woman who could not speak, could learn a primitive language or invent a new language of their own. Bartley asks us, by way of corroboration, to consider that the Investigations begins with a critique of St. Augustine’s account of how a child learns a language. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Yet Bartley’s work has also been criticized. Eugene Hargrove, for instance, argues, with Paul Englemann, that it was the direct effect of Wittgenstein’s contact with children rather than the school reform movement or Bühler’s ideas that influenced Wittgenstein’s views about language:&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;I believe we can see the influence of Wittgenstein’s time as a teacher on almost every page of the Investigations, for there are very few pages in a row that do not make some reference to children. Throughout his later philosophy, Wittgenstein often supported the points he was making by citing personal observations about children. It is these observations, which he made as a school teacher and used as a pool of data later, that, as I see it, are the true influence on Wittgenstein’s work, and not principles taught at the teachers college or waved in his face by the school reformers.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;C.J.B. Macmillan terms this Wittgenstein’s "pedagogical turn": "we often find him turning from a consideration of the meanings of a term or concept to ask, ‘How was this learned?’ or ‘How would you teach it?’"&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;(3) Wittgenstein’s way of "doing philosophy," as we have noted, differed from traditional attempts to do philosophy: it is aporetic but not Socratic; it is dialogical but not in the traditional philosophical sense. Wittgenstein writes, "Reading the Socratic dialogues one has the feeling; what a frightful waste of time! What’s the point of these arguments that prove nothing and clarify nothing." Moreover, Wittgenstein expresses his impatience with the game of eristics:&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Socrates keeps reducing the sophist to silence, – but does he have right on his side when he does this? Well, it is true that the sophist does not know what he thinks he knows; but that is no triumph for Socrates. It can’t be a case of "You see! You don’t know it!"–nor yet, triumphantly, of "So none of us knows anything!"&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Hence it should be no surprise that Wittgenstein says that his approach is the opposite of Socrates’. Where Socrates, professing his ignorance, sought to disabuse others of their mistaken beliefs, Wittgenstein, through his dialogical forms of teaching and writing, sought to externalize his own doubts and questions, showing the nature of certain problems as he tried to work them through in his own mind: "Nearly all my writings are private conversations with myself. Things that I say to myself tête-à-tête." (Much the same might be said of his teaching, as we have tried to show.)&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The Philosophical Investigations is Wittgenstein’s primary example of a dialogical work; yet clearly it is not dialogical in the sense established by Socrates. And judging by Wittgenstein’s comments on Socrates it is evident why the Investigations does not follow or try to emulate the Socratic form or method. While the Investigations is written in the form of a dialogue, it draws upon a repertoire of dialogical strategies and gestures. Terry Eagleton recognizes this when he calls the Investigations&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;a thoroughly dialogical work, in which the author wonders out loud, imagines an interlocutor, asks us questions which may or may not be on the level...forcing the reader into the work of self-demystification, genially engaging our participation by his deliberately undaunting style.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The Investigations self-reflectively mirrors and models the multiplicity of language-games and gestures it attempts to describe. It functions as an exemplary pedagogical text the aim of which is for Wittgenstein’s students to think these problems through for themselves (an aim, it must be said, which he did not feel had always been successful, as we have seen). Wittgenstein’s adoption of the dialogue form, along with his innovations with form and composition in writing, were part of his deliberate experimentation designed to shift our thinking. He certainly did not want his readers or audience to imitate him in either the forms or the contents of his thought. Nor did he think that there is only one way to "do" philosophy.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;He agonized over the form of his work and he developed very complex methods of composition: "Forcing my thoughts into an ordered sequence is a torment for me....I squander an unspeakable amount of effort making an arrangement of my thoughts which may have no value at all." He wrote philosophical remarks or fragments, and sometimes referred to his procedure of composition as one of assemblage – philosophy "consists in assembling reminders for a particular purpose."&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Hence we see that the Investigations and later works are interspersed with frequent remarks that begin with asking us to "imagine," as in "Let us imagine a language..." and elsewhere. At other times he constructs this as "Suppose..." or "Think..." or "Ask yourself..." and so on. These thought experiments play a crucial substantive and stylistic role in the Investigations, and they are characteristic of a way of writing about philosophy that is more oriented to triggering a shift in thought than in demonstrating a proof; more to showing than to saying; more to pointing than to leading (note the frequent references in Wittgenstein’s later work to signposts, wandering through a city, being lost, needing a guide, finding one’s way about, and knowing how to go on). This is a conception of teaching, and teaching through writing, far different from the classic Socratic engagement of the Meno, one based on instruction along a specific path of reasoning to a definite conclusion.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Another recurring element in the Investigations is a question Wittgenstein asks to himself, posed by an imaginary interlocutor, with multiple possible answers or a hypothetical response, followed by his typical dissatisfied reply, "But...." Fann notes that Wittgenstein asks on the order of eight hundred questions in the Investigations, yet he only answers one hundred of them and of these the majority (some seventy) are answers that he pointedly rejects. Wittgenstein wants to stop us from asking certain kinds of questions: the sort of "philosophical" questions which require that we provide a theoretical answer abstracted from the context of use and social practice. Instead, his questions and replies serve as reminders, bringing us back to familiar aspects of human language and experience; the significance of the fact that we can identify the related members of a family, for example, even when they do not all share the same features in common.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;This mode of dialogue, then, is not one of demonstration but of investigation. Wittgenstein’s use of imagined interchanges, thought experiments, diagrams, pictures, examples, aphorisms, or parables is meant to engage the reader in a process that was, in Wittgenstein’s teaching as well as in his writing, the externalization of his own doubts, his own questions, his own thought processes. His philosophical purpose was manifested, shown, in how he pursued a question; his style was his method, and his writings sought to exemplify how it worked. His concern with matters of form and composition were not only about the presentation of an argument, but about the juxtaposition that would best draw the reader into the very state of puzzlement he himself felt. An appreciation of Wittgenstein’s philosophical style leads us directly to an understanding of the fundamentally pedagogical nature of his endeavor.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Wittgenstein’s Primary Writings&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Ludwig Wittgenstein (1969)The Blue and Brown Books, (Oxford: Basil Blackwell).&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Ludwig Wittgenstein (1980) Culture and Value, G. H. Von Wright (Ed.) (in collaboration with Heikki Nyman), trans. Peter Winch (Oxford: Basil Blackwell).&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Ludwig Wittgenstein (1979) On Certainty, edited by G.E.M. Anscombe and G.H. von Wright, translated by Denis Paul and G.E.M. Anscombe (Oxford: Basil Blackwell).&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Ludwig Wittgenstein (1953) Philosophical Investigations trans. G. E. M. Anscombe, (Oxford: Basil Blackwell) (3rd Ed. 1972).&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Ludwig Wittgenstein (1961) Tractatus Logico-Philosophicus, translated by D.F. Pears and B.F. McGuinness (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul).&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Ludwig Wittgenstein (1981) Zettel, 2nd Ed. G.E.M. Anscombe and R. Rhees, eds. (Oxford: Blackwell), p. 74.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Biographical Material on Wittgenstein&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;W.W. Bartley, III (1973) Wittgenstein (Philadelphia &amp; New York: J. B. Lippincott).&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Paul Engelmann (1967) Letters from Wittgenstein with a memoir (Oxford: Basil Blackwell).&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Norman Malcolm (1984) Ludwig Wittgenstein: A Memoir (Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press).&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Brian McGuiness (1988) Wittgenstein: A Young Life, 1889-1921 (London: Duckworth)&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Ray Monk (1991) Ludwig Wittgenstein: The Duty of Genius (London: Vintage).&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Rush Rhees (ed.) Recollections of Wittgenstein (Oxford &amp; New York: Oxford University Press).&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;G.H. Von Wright (1982) Wittgenstein (Oxford: Blackwell).&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Secondary Sources on Wittgenstein&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;G.E.M. Anscombe (1971) An Introduction to Wittgenstein's Tractatus (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press).&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;G.P. Baker &amp; P.M.S. Hacker (1980) Wittgenstein: Understanding and Meaning (Oxford: Basil Blackwell).&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;G.P. Baker &amp; P.M.S. Hacker (1985) Wittgenstein: Rules, Grammar and Necessity (Oxford: Basil Blackwell).&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Stanley Cavell (1979)The Claim of Reason: Wittgenstein, Skepticism, Morality, and Tragedy (Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press).&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;P.M.S. Hacker (1990) Wittgenstein: Meaning and Mind (Oxford: Basil Blackwell).&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Allen Janik &amp; Stephen Toulmin,(1973) Wittgenstein's Vienna (London: Weidenfield &amp; Nicholson).&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Anthony Kenney (1975) Wittgenstein (Harmondsworth: Penguin Books).&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Saul A. Kripke (1982) Wittgenstein on Rules and Private Language (Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press).&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;H. Sluga and D.G. Stern, eds., (1996) The Cambridge Companion to Wittgenstein (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press).&lt;div class="blogger-post-footer"&gt;&lt;img width='1' height='1' src='https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/tracker/8328808403424165981-8209706187282119672?l=fixcentenario.blogspot.com' alt='' /&gt;&lt;/div&gt;</content><link rel='replies' type='application/atom+xml' href='http://fixcentenario.blogspot.com/feeds/8209706187282119672/comments/default' title='Post Comments'/><link rel='replies' type='text/html' href='http://www.blogger.com/comment.g?blogID=8328808403424165981&amp;postID=8209706187282119672' title='0 Comments'/><link rel='edit' type='application/atom+xml' href='http://www.blogger.com/feeds/8328808403424165981/posts/default/8209706187282119672'/><link rel='self' type='application/atom+xml' href='http://www.blogger.com/feeds/8328808403424165981/posts/default/8209706187282119672'/><link rel='alternate' type='text/html' href='http://fixcentenario.blogspot.com/2009/06/wittgenstein_26.html' title='Wittgenstein'/><author><name>education</name><uri>http://www.blogger.com/profile/12343022453805740638</uri><email>noreply@blogger.com</email><gd:image rel='http://schemas.google.com/g/2005#thumbnail' width='16' height='16' src='http://img2.blogblog.com/img/b16-rounded.gif'/></author><thr:total>0</thr:total></entry><entry><id>tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8328808403424165981.post-3900046970814122650</id><published>2009-06-26T06:05:00.000-07:00</published><updated>2009-06-26T06:08:54.070-07:00</updated><title type='text'>Urban Social Processes in the U.S.</title><content type='html'>Descriptors:&lt;br /&gt;Black Population Trends; Geographic Concepts; Ghettos; Metropolitan Areas; Negro Housing; Racial Segregation; Real Estate; Residential Patterns; Urban Problems &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Abstract:&lt;br /&gt;Focuses on the factors which influence black residential patterns in Boston, Denver, Indianapolis, Milwaukee, Minneapolis, San Francisco, and Seattle; attempts to move a step beyond the traditional demographic projection of changing numbers in time to that of projecting the spatial locus of the population. (RJ) &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Designed as supplementary material to undergraduate geography courses, this document focuses on a contemporary social problem and its relation to geography. The paper examines existing patterns of residential separation in which ethnic and racial groups--primarily black Americans--generally are spatially clustered in segments of urban space that frequently assume a territorial identification. The purpose is to explore the operation of forces that are responsible for patterns which are molded by both economic and social behavior. After an overview of the problem is in chapter 1, a brief history of the black ghetto as a legacy of the past is included in chapter 2. Chapter 3 examines urbanization of the early 1900s and its relation to ghetto formation. The location of urban space throughout the United States is explored in the fourth chapter, determining that the ghetto is a universal spatial configuration in large urban centers. The fifth chapter presents an explanation of the mechanism which produces such spatial patterns. It includes social, economic, and political variables. These variables are examined in relation to balck and white residential patterns in chapter 6. A list of references cited in the text concludes the document. (Author/JR)&lt;div class="blogger-post-footer"&gt;&lt;img width='1' height='1' src='https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/tracker/8328808403424165981-3900046970814122650?l=fixcentenario.blogspot.com' alt='' /&gt;&lt;/div&gt;</content><link rel='replies' type='application/atom+xml' href='http://fixcentenario.blogspot.com/feeds/3900046970814122650/comments/default' title='Post Comments'/><link rel='replies' type='text/html' href='http://www.blogger.com/comment.g?blogID=8328808403424165981&amp;postID=3900046970814122650' title='0 Comments'/><link rel='edit' type='application/atom+xml' href='http://www.blogger.com/feeds/8328808403424165981/posts/default/3900046970814122650'/><link rel='self' type='application/atom+xml' href='http://www.blogger.com/feeds/8328808403424165981/posts/default/3900046970814122650'/><link rel='alternate' type='text/html' href='http://fixcentenario.blogspot.com/2009/06/urban-social-processes-in-us.html' title='Urban Social Processes in the U.S.'/><author><name>education</name><uri>http://www.blogger.com/profile/12343022453805740638</uri><email>noreply@blogger.com</email><gd:image rel='http://schemas.google.com/g/2005#thumbnail' width='16' height='16' src='http://img2.blogblog.com/img/b16-rounded.gif'/></author><thr:total>0</thr:total></entry><entry><id>tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8328808403424165981.post-7468856891988311880</id><published>2009-06-26T06:02:00.000-07:00</published><updated>2009-06-26T06:04:41.950-07:00</updated><title type='text'>Social Theory</title><content type='html'>Education and Social Theory Trevor PatemanAbstract: A survey of determinist, demystifying and voluntarist explanations of inequality of educational outcomes and the kinds of policy which have been proposed to address such educational inequality. &lt;br /&gt;If one takes the term "socialization" to refer to the sum of practices by which new individuals are made into members of existing societies, then "education" is that subset of practices which have as their intended outcome particular kinds of more or less reflected upon shaping. More narrowly still, "education" is used as a synonym for schooling, specific institutional provision for the transmission of knowledge and skills, the development of competences and beliefs. &lt;br /&gt;There is a pervasive background assumption in twentieth century social thought that socialization is the right way to characterize what transpires between new - that is, newborn - individuals and their societies, and that individuals are plastic to an indefinite number of kinds of shaping. Against this background, sociologists appear to have the straightforward descriptive task of characterising how different societies socialize individuals, and what they socialize them into. But if there are failures of socialization, as there are, it becomes hard(er) to sustain the idea of plasticity (cf. Hollis, 1977; Wrong 1977). For example, if individuals do differ innately in intelligence this will limit the possible success of any schooling system that provides equality of treatment in the expectation that this will produce equality of achievement. &lt;br /&gt;Political commitments to achieving equality of opportunity, treatment and / or outcomes have inspired (and funded) innumerable research programmes and projects in twentieth century sociology. For example, in the context of a commitment to the view that schooling ought to enable social mobility by identifying talent and / or effort independently of social origins thus making talent and effort available (as `merit') as identifiable discriminators for occupational selection there have been a large number of studies of why origins and destinations remain obstinately linked, despite at least formal meritocratic commitments. Three kinds of resultant explanation may be distinguished, which can be labelled determinist, demystifying and voluntarist. The explanations are not mutually exclusive, though often presented as such. &lt;br /&gt;Determinist Explanations. There are two kinds of determinists. &lt;br /&gt;First, those who argue that individuals differ innately in intelligence and / or that groups (usually blacks and females, as against whites and males) differ on average in biologically determined intelligence and this explains outcome differences. The literature on this kind of determinism is both vast and vastly overrated, since very few if any policy conclusions are clearly derivable from it, whatever the truth of the matter is. For example, suppose some children just are cleverer than others. What follows about their education and the education of those who are less clever? Absolutely nothing, since the most obvious question to then ask is this: Should those who are cleverer get more / better education (to benefit the rest indirectly) or less (since they don't need it)? And nothing in the mere fact of difference helps settle this question. Most educational systems tacitly acknowledge difference and spend more both on those who they reckon cleverer and on those who are reckoned handicapped and identified as having special educational needs. &lt;br /&gt;The second kind of determinist argues from society, rather than biology, showing how children come to school advantaged or burdened by their social (class, educational, status) background. Consequently, relative success and failure in school is determined by the assets or burdens children bring with them, and schooling itself cannot compensate for society the school is a causally less powerful agent than home or community (see Halsey et al., 1980). &lt;br /&gt;The actual mechanisms of social determination are many and various. If at home there are no books, nowhere to study, no computer to produce elegant coursework, mum and dad are always arguing, the baby doesn't sleep, and your mates are always knocking on the door for a game of football well, what chance a good exam result in history? &lt;br /&gt;Demystifying explanations. Schools are themselves social institutions, staffed by teachers whose precise social class or status has been the subject of considerable debate (see Ozga and Lawn, 1981). The reality of schools may, and in fact does, diverge from their rhetoric. So, for example, a formal commitment to equality of opportunity does not guarantee that a teacher treats girls and boys in such ways that both have equal chances of succeeding in that teacher's classroom. Indeed, the evidence is, overwhelmingly, that teachers male and female discriminate in their treatment of boys and girls in educationally significant ways (Stanworth, 1983). In addition, schools are shaped as institutions by the formal requirements of national and local governments, and informally shaped by the pressures exerted by parents, governors and local commerce or industry. The conjunction of formal requirements and informal pressures actually conspires to ensure that the recognition and reward of individual merit is only one of several conflicting goals which schools pursue. Schools also have a `hidden curriculum' (Snyder, 1971) which recognizes and rewards conformity to its norms of good behaviour and acceptable self presentation (see Ball, 1990). These norms are not neutral as between groups, but instead systematically discriminate by class and gender. So, to take a less than obvious example, at secondary school level the norm of neat handwriting used to favour girls, though the `reward' was actually acceptability for work which had low rewards, and moderate status, specifically clerical and secretarial employment. In that context - altered by the advent of the office organised around Information Technology - no girl in her right mind should have allowed herself to have neat handwriting. &lt;br /&gt;In general, says the demystifying sociologist, schools are not `neutral' social locations, helpless in the face of `external' social determinations. Their own institutionally embedded practices shape outcomes differentiated by class, gender, ethnicity and other irrelevant discriminators &lt;br /&gt;Voluntarist explanations. Both the determinist and the demystifier are, in effect, assuming not only the plasticity but also the passivity of the school pupil. But it may be that children are themselves active in shaping their own destinies, and from an early age. They have their own perceptions of their origins and aspirations towards social distinction: they want to be doctors, nurses and pop stars. They do or do not want to do the job their Dad does. In this context, teachers may or may not represent a status or set of values with which pupils can identify or to which they can aspire. And this is important because it can shape an orientation to the whole business of learning. In an influential study, Paul Willis (1977) argued that part of the explanation for the fact that working class kids get working-class jobs is simply that they want such jobs; they positively reject the more `white collar' culture of the school, which is not that of their families of origin. The way teachers behave and live (a subject of some fascination to most pupils) does not strike them as something to be copied or sought after. &lt;br /&gt;Whatever mix of explanations is the right one, working class kids get working class jobs and girls end up doing women's work. Social and sexual mobility is always much less than anyone committed to equality of opportunity can be satisfied with. Detailed sociological work on the reproduction of a stratified labour force is offered within the British tradition by Halsey et al. (1980) and from an American Marxist perspective in Bowles and Gintis (1976). &lt;br /&gt;Some have sought to ensure that schooling becomes a more powerful influence than origin. They have then proposed lengthening the period of compulsory schooling - a policy actually pursued in all countries throughout the twentieth century. Or they have tried to ensure that each school takes in some pupils at every level of ability - as in the comprehensive school system of the United Kingdom .And they have downgraded the culture of `useless' knowledge (Latin and Greek, for example), the main motive for the acquisition of which is, or would be, the desire to mark social distinction (see Bourdieu, 1979). In reality, the study of Latin and Greek has all but disappeared in many countries. &lt;br /&gt;Against the background of such actually-implemented - but not always successful - policies, some have become critical of the institution of schooling itself. From the New Left, Ivan Illich argued in the very influential Deschooling Society (1971) that schools privilege certification over actual competence, unreasonably restrict the domain of what counts as worth learning, and prescribe restrictive and unhelpful modes of learning. When I originally wrote that last sentence (in 1991) it occurred to me that the next day my daughter would put on a new collar and tie without which she would not be allowed to learn anything. She was about to spend her first day at an ordinary English secondary comprehensive school. &lt;br /&gt;The New Right has adapted to its own purposes some of the themes of the New Left critique of schooling, expressed as the idea of producer capture. Teachers (the 'producers') have set their own agendas for schools when it should be parents (the 'consumers') who set agendas for teachers. The New Right then argues for breaking up schooling monopolies and for enfranchizing the consumer. &lt;br /&gt;Both New Left and New Right thinking is at odds with those central, social democratic and liberal democratic conceptions such as John Dewey's (1966) which see schooling as a leading institution in the creation of a just, democratic and unified society. And within the Marxist tradition, Antonio Gramsci expresses positive approval of the kind of traditional schooling system of which he was an individual beneficiary (Entwistle, 1979). Gramsci's case should also serve to make us aware that while sociologists have generally occupied themselves with explaining why children fail at school, there is also another interesting research question which asks why certain children, who ought by all sociological accounts to fail, actually succeed in the most unlikely circumstances. There are very few schooling systems which cannot boast their poor boys made good. A biographical approach to the study of their success may highlight factors overlooked in macrosociological approaches to the study of education. (For rather different uses of a biographical approach, see Hoggart, 1957, and Lacey, 1970.) &lt;br /&gt;Bibliography Ball, S. J. ed, 1990 Foucault and Education London:Routledge &lt;br /&gt;Bourdieu, P. 1979 Distinction: a Social Critique of the Judgement of Taste London: Routledge &lt;br /&gt;Bowles, Samuel and Gintis, Herbert 1976: Schooling in Capitalist America. London: Routledge &lt;br /&gt;Dewey, J. 1966 Selected Educational Writings ed F W Garforth London: Heinemann &lt;br /&gt;Entwistle, H. 1979 Antonio Gramsci: Conservative Schooling for Radical Politics. London: Routledge &lt;br /&gt;Halsey, A.H., Heath, A. and Ridge, J.M. 1980: Origins and Destinations: Family, Class and Education in Modern Britain. Oxford: Oxford University Press &lt;br /&gt;Hoggart, R. 1957 The Uses of Literacy. London: Chatto and Windus &lt;br /&gt;Hollis, M 1977 Models of Man. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press &lt;br /&gt;Illich, Ivan 1971: Deschooling Society. London: Calder and Boyars &lt;br /&gt;Lacey, C. 1970 Hightown Grammar. Manchester University Press &lt;br /&gt;Ozga, J and Lawn, M. 1981 Teachers, Professionalism and Class. Barcombe: Falmer Press &lt;br /&gt;Snyder, B. 1971 The Hidden Curriculum. New York: Knopf &lt;br /&gt;Stanworth, M. 1983 Gender and Schooling. London: Hutchinson &lt;br /&gt;Willis, Paul 1977: Learning to Labour. Farnborough: Saxon House &lt;br /&gt;Wrong, D. 1977 "The Oversocialised Conception of Man in Modern Sociology". In his collection of essays, Skeptical Sociology. London: Heinemann &lt;br /&gt;Originally written 1991 and published in W Outhwaite and T Bottomore, eds. The Blackwell Dictionary of Twentieth-Century Social Thought. (Oxford: Basil Blackwell 1993), pages 188 - 190. Reprinted in the second edition of the Dictionary, edited by William Outhwaite (Oxford: Basil Blackwell 2002). Lightly revised 2002 for this website version; the original material reproduced by permission of William Outhwaite and the copyright holder, Basil Blackwell. Standard restrictions on any further re-publication apply.&lt;div class="blogger-post-footer"&gt;&lt;img width='1' height='1' src='https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/tracker/8328808403424165981-7468856891988311880?l=fixcentenario.blogspot.com' alt='' /&gt;&lt;/div&gt;</content><link rel='replies' type='application/atom+xml' href='http://fixcentenario.blogspot.com/feeds/7468856891988311880/comments/default' title='Post Comments'/><link rel='replies' type='text/html' href='http://www.blogger.com/comment.g?blogID=8328808403424165981&amp;postID=7468856891988311880' title='0 Comments'/><link rel='edit' type='application/atom+xml' href='http://www.blogger.com/feeds/8328808403424165981/posts/default/7468856891988311880'/><link rel='self' type='application/atom+xml' href='http://www.blogger.com/feeds/8328808403424165981/posts/default/7468856891988311880'/><link rel='alternate' type='text/html' href='http://fixcentenario.blogspot.com/2009/06/social-theory_26.html' title='Social Theory'/><author><name>education</name><uri>http://www.blogger.com/profile/12343022453805740638</uri><email>noreply@blogger.com</email><gd:image rel='http://schemas.google.com/g/2005#thumbnail' width='16' height='16' src='http://img2.blogblog.com/img/b16-rounded.gif'/></author><thr:total>0</thr:total></entry><entry><id>tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8328808403424165981.post-1919724850727587800</id><published>2009-06-25T10:40:00.000-07:00</published><updated>2009-06-25T10:43:34.296-07:00</updated><title type='text'>Wittgenstein</title><content type='html'>The Global City:&lt;br /&gt;People, Production, and Planning in the Third World&lt;br /&gt;(City and Regional Planning: CRP 101)&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Ben Kohl&lt;br /&gt;bk20@cornell.edu&lt;br /&gt;Cornell University&lt;br /&gt;Ithaca, New York, USA&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Spring 2001&lt;br /&gt;This course is also available online at&lt;br /&gt;http://www.crp.cornell.edu/courses/spring2001/CRP101/CRP101syll.htm  &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;SYLLABUS&lt;br /&gt;Note: Syllabus is subject to change&lt;br /&gt;(See below for Ben Kohl's Comments On Teaching This Course).&lt;br /&gt; &lt;br /&gt;Course Description &lt;br /&gt;This course provides an introduction to international urban studies, focusing on Africa, Asia, and Latin America. We begin with basic questions about the nature of cities and different approaches to studying cities and urbanization. We then explore factors driving urban growth and how this growth affects urban environments. We then examine questions of social organization and governance. In the final section of the course we address topics related to planning and the future of the city. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;We meet for two lectures and one section per week.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Readings&lt;br /&gt;Alan Gilbert and Josef Gugler, Cities, Poverty and Development: Urbanization in the Third World, 2nd ed., 1992, and a reading packet, available at KC Copy. We will place a copy of The City Reader as well as copies of the individual chapters on reserve in the Fine Arts Library. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Optional Texts&lt;br /&gt;URS students should buy Richard LeGates and Frederic Stout, The City Reader, 2nd ed., 2000.&lt;br /&gt;All students should have a writing guide. I have ordered Jan Venolia, Wright Right, for those of you who do not already have a guide you like.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Expectations and Evaluation&lt;br /&gt;We expect you will do all the readings and attend all lectures and sections. As we are a relatively large class, we will also have a web-based classroom discussion board for your comments and questions on readings, lectures, and sections. Your contributions to the discussion board will contribute to your grade on participation. We will often give 'quizzes' to see how you interpret the major concepts from the readings and the lectures. In addition, we will assign two short papers, an in-class midterm, a take-home final, and a course review and evaluation. We will not accept late assignments.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Evaluation &lt;br /&gt;20%   Attendance at lectures, contributions to the discusion board, and participation in sections &lt;br /&gt;10%   In-class quizzes &lt;br /&gt;20%   In-class midterm &lt;br /&gt;20%   Short papers (10% each) &lt;br /&gt;25%   Final take-home exam &lt;br /&gt;  5%   In-class evaluation and course review &lt;br /&gt;Website&lt;br /&gt;Become familiar with the website (http://courseinfo.cit.cornell.edu/courses/crp101/). During the first three weeks of class please 'enroll' in the class website. We will not do this for you. If you are not familiar with the use of "CourseInfo" please let us know.  &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;PART I:   URBANIZATION AS A GLOBAL PROCESS  &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;INTRODUCTION:  CITIES IN A GLOBALIZING WORLD&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;We define the scope of the course. Why are we interested in cities and urbanization? Are cities becoming more alike? How can we study cities? How are cities in ‘developing’ countries different from those in ‘developed’ countries? &lt;br /&gt;Key words: urban, urbanization, urbanism. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Review syllabus, urban, urbanization, and urbanism&lt;br /&gt;(Monday, January 22)&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Alan Gilbert and Josef Gugler, Cities, "Introduction," pp. 1-13 in Cities, Poverty and Development: Urbanization in the Third World, 1992 (Gilbert and Gugler) &lt;br /&gt;What is urbanization and how can we study it? Cities as things, cities as processes.&lt;br /&gt;(Wednesday, January 24)&lt;br /&gt;Read Harvey's piece closely. What does he mean when he writes of a 'process thing' relationship? &lt;br /&gt;David Clark, "Global Patterns and Perspectives," pp. 1-11, in Urban World/Global City, 1996 &lt;br /&gt;David Harvey, "Contested Cities: Social process and spatial form," pp. 19-27, in N. Jewson and S. McGregor, eds., Transforming Cities: Contested Governance and New Spatial Divisions, 1997 &lt;br /&gt;Mumford, Lewis "What is a City?" pp. 92-96 in Richard LeGates and Frederic Stout, The City Reader, in 2nd ed., 2000 (LeGates and Stout) &lt;br /&gt;Sections.  Introductions and interests&lt;br /&gt;(Friday, January 26) &lt;br /&gt;Understanding Cities in Developing Countries Cities in developing countries share many of the same characteristics as those in developed countries. They are centers of economic and social processes that affect areas well beyond their borders. Yet they also are fundamentally different from cities in richer countries. What do we mean when we talk about developed and underdeveloped countries? &lt;br /&gt;Keywords: development, underdevelopment, dependent urbanization, colonialism&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Dependency and Dependent Urbanization&lt;br /&gt;(Monday, January 29) &lt;br /&gt;Frank, Andre Gunder, "The Development of Underdevelopment," pp. 17-31, Monthly Review 18(4), 1966 &lt;br /&gt;Hymer, Stephen, "Robinson Crusoe and the Secret of Primitive Accumulation," pp. 11-36, Monthly Review, September, 1971 &lt;br /&gt;Video: Children of the Miracle&lt;br /&gt;(Wednesday, January 31)&lt;br /&gt;This video provides a window into the lives of the urban poor in Brazil, the country with the 10th largest economy in the world. How do the images compare with Engels’ description of life for the British working class? &lt;br /&gt;Frederich Engels "The Great Towns," pp. 46-53, in Richard LeGates and Frederic Stout, The City Reader, 1996 &lt;br /&gt;Gilbert and Gugler, "Urban Development in a World System," pp. 14-32 &lt;br /&gt;Early Cities&lt;br /&gt;(Friday, February 2) Section&lt;br /&gt;Cities existed before the industrial revolution. Then, as now, developments in urban design occurring in one part of the world affected what happened in other parts of the world.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Early Cities&lt;br /&gt;(Monday, February 4) &lt;br /&gt;Gilbert and Gugler, "Urban Agglomeration and Regional Disparities," pp. 33-61 &lt;br /&gt;Early Cities&lt;br /&gt;(Wednesday, February 6) &lt;br /&gt;Jacques Gernet, "Daily Life in China on the Eve of the Mongol Invasion: 1250-1276," in Janet Abu-Lughod and Richard Hay, Jr., eds. "Introduction," pp. 1-13, in Third World Urbanization, 1977 &lt;br /&gt;Sections&lt;br /&gt;(Friday, February 9)&lt;br /&gt;Hand out first assignment, due Feb. 16 (3-4 pages).&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;NOTE: This is the last day to add a class or a section. Please be sure you are enrolled.  &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;PART II:   URBAN GROWTH  &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;MIGRATION AND POPULATION GROWTH&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Changes in the population of a city are the answer to the following equation: &lt;br /&gt;(births + immigration) - (deaths + emigration)&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;In developing countries rural to urban migration accounts for about 40% of urban growth. The other 60% of urban population growth come from natural increase (births-deaths). Some of the rapid growth of cities is also due to improved health and public services (water and sewerage). Birth rates in Europe have fallen below replacement levels and immigrants, often from developing countries, are beginning to decline, which will lead to aging populations and a new set of problems for urban centers. Aging populations in developed countries have demanded labor that has led to increases in transnational migration.&lt;br /&gt;Keywords: urban bias, migration, remittances, demographic transition&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Urban Bias&lt;br /&gt;(Monday, February 12) &lt;br /&gt;Lipton, Michael, "Why Poor People Stay Poor: Urban Bias in World Development," pp. 40-51 in The Urbanization of the Third World, Josef Gugler, ed., 1st ed., 1988 &lt;br /&gt;Gilbert and Gugler, "The Urban-Rural Interface and Migration," pp. 62-86 &lt;br /&gt;Migration&lt;br /&gt;(Wednesday, February 14)&lt;br /&gt;GUEST SPEAKER, Terry Plater &lt;br /&gt;Nigel Harris, "The Sweated Trades in Developing Countries," pp. 56-84, in The New Untouchables: Immigration and the New World Worker, 1995 &lt;br /&gt;Sections.  Urban Economies&lt;br /&gt;(Friday, February 16)&lt;br /&gt;First assignment due.&lt;br /&gt;Keywords: formal and informal economy, globalization&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;UNEVEN URBAN DEVELOPMENT&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Uneven urban development&lt;br /&gt;(Monday, February 19) &lt;br /&gt;Mike Savage and Alan Warde, "Cities and Uneven Economic Development," pp. 264-77, in LeGates and Stout &lt;br /&gt;Gibert and Gugler, "The Urban Labour-Market." pp. 87-113 &lt;br /&gt;Formal and informal sector&lt;br /&gt;(Wednesday, February 21) &lt;br /&gt;Manuel Castells and Alejandro Portes, "World Underneath: the Origins, Dynamics and Effects of the Informal Economy," in A. Portes, M. Castells, and L. Benton, The Informal Economy: Studies in Advanced and Less Developed Countries, 1989 &lt;br /&gt;Section. Informal Sector&lt;br /&gt;(Friday, February 23) &lt;br /&gt;Lea Jellinek, "Displaced by Modernity: The Saga of a Jakarta Street-Trader’s Family from the 1940s to the 1990s," pp. 139-155, in Josef Gugler, ed. Cities in the Developing World, 2nd ed., 1997 &lt;br /&gt;HOUSING AND SEGREGATION&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Housing&lt;br /&gt;(Monday, February 26) &lt;br /&gt;Gibert and Gugler, "The Housing of the Urban Poor," pp. 114-54 &lt;br /&gt;Video.  "On Borrowed Land"&lt;br /&gt;(Wednesday, February 28)&lt;br /&gt;Reading to be added.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Housing And Segregation&lt;br /&gt;(Friday, March 2)  &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;PART III:   INFRASTRUCTURE AND URBAN ENVIRONMENTS  &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;INFRASTRUCTURE&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Transportation&lt;br /&gt;(Monday, March 5) &lt;br /&gt;Jonas Rabinovitch and Josef Leitman, "Urban Planning in Curitiba," pp. 46-53, Scientific American, March 1996 &lt;br /&gt;Eduardo Vasconcellos, "The Making of the Middle Class City: Transportation policy in Sao Paulo," pp. 293-310, Environment and Planning A, v. 29 &lt;br /&gt;Telecommunications&lt;br /&gt;(Wednesday, March 7) &lt;br /&gt;Stephen Graham and Simon Marvin, "The Transformation of Cities," pp. 568-78, in LeGates and Stout &lt;br /&gt;Section.&lt;br /&gt;(Friday, March 9)&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;URBAN ENVIRONMENT&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Urban Environment&lt;br /&gt;(Monday, March 12) &lt;br /&gt;"Let Them Eat Pollution," Feb. 15, pp. 17-9, The Economist 1992 &lt;br /&gt;Alexander Stille, "The Ganges' Next Life," pp. 58-67, The New Yorker, Jan. 19, 1998 &lt;br /&gt;Kirk Smith and Yok-Shui Lee, "Urbanization and the environmental Risk Transition," pp. 161-179, in John Kasarda and Alan Powell, Third World Cities, Problem, Policies and Prospects, 1993 &lt;br /&gt;EXAM&lt;br /&gt;(Wednesday, March 14)&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Section&lt;br /&gt;(Friday, March 16) &lt;br /&gt;Opadawala and Goldmsith, "The Sustainability of Privilege, Reflections on the Environment, the Third World City, and Poverty," pp. 627-40, World Development, 20(4) &lt;br /&gt;SPRING BREAK&lt;br /&gt;(MARCH 17-25)  &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;PART IV:   SOCIAL CONTROL, CITIZENSHIP, AND GOVERNANCE  &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;CITIZENSHIP&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Citizenship&lt;br /&gt;(Monday, March 26)&lt;br /&gt;Reading to be added. &lt;br /&gt;T. H. Marshall, "Citizenship and Social Class," pp. 93-111, in Gershon Shair, ed. The Citizenship Debates, 1998 &lt;br /&gt;Street kids&lt;br /&gt;(Wednesday, March 28) &lt;br /&gt;Scheper-Hughes "Street Kids," Worldview, pp. 15-24, 10(1) &lt;br /&gt;Gilbert and Gugler, "Social Organization in the City," pp. 155-176 &lt;br /&gt;Section&lt;br /&gt;(Friday, March 30)&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;International Institutions and Urban Policy&lt;br /&gt;(Monday, April 2)&lt;br /&gt;Reading to be added. &lt;br /&gt;John Williamson, "The Washington Consensus," pp. 1329-36, World Development, 21(18) &lt;br /&gt;International Institutions and Urban Policy&lt;br /&gt;(Wednesday, April 4)&lt;br /&gt;Reading to be added.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Section &lt;br /&gt;(Friday, April 6) &lt;br /&gt;GOVERNING&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Participatory budgeting&lt;br /&gt;(Monday, April 9) &lt;br /&gt;Rebecca Abers, "From Ideas to Practice," pp. 35-53, Latin American Perspectives, 23(4) 1996 &lt;br /&gt;Decentralization and planning&lt;br /&gt;(Wednesday, April 11)&lt;br /&gt;Reading to be added. &lt;br /&gt;Ben Kohl, "Decentralization and Privatization in Bolivia," 2000, photocopy &lt;br /&gt;Section &lt;br /&gt;(Friday, April 13) &lt;br /&gt;SOCIAL MOVEMENTS&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Social Movements&lt;br /&gt;(Monday, April 16) &lt;br /&gt;Amy Lind, "Gender, Development and Urban Social Change: Women's Community Action in Global Cities," pp. 1205-23, World Development, 25(8) &lt;br /&gt;Gilbert and Gugler, "Pattern of Political Integration and Conflict," pp. 177-219 &lt;br /&gt;Social Movements&lt;br /&gt;(Wednesday, April 18) &lt;br /&gt;Castells, Manuel, "Squatters and the State," pp. 338-66, in Gugler, ed. 1st. ed. &lt;br /&gt;Vivienne Bennett, "Gender, Class and Water: The Role of Women in the Protests over Water," pp. 106-27, in The Politics of Water, 1995 &lt;br /&gt;Section&lt;br /&gt;(Friday, April 20)&lt;br /&gt;Hand out assignment two, due April 27 (3-4 pages).  &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;PART V:   PLANNING AND THE FUTURE OF THE CITY  &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;PLANNING&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Planning&lt;br /&gt;(Monday, April 23) &lt;br /&gt;Lisa Peattie, "The Production of False Consciousness," pp. 153-71, in Planning: Rethinking Ciudad Guayana, 1987 &lt;br /&gt;James Scott, "The High-Modernist City: An Experiment and a Critique," pp. 103-146, Seeing Like a State: How Certain Schemes to Improve the Human Condition Have Failed, 1998 &lt;br /&gt;Planning&lt;br /&gt;(Wednesday, April 25) &lt;br /&gt;Gilbert and Gugler, "Urban and Regional Systems: A Suitable Case for Treatment?" pp. 220-62 &lt;br /&gt;Section&lt;br /&gt;(Friday, April 27)&lt;br /&gt;Second assignment due&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;URBAN FUTURES&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Panel discussion on urban futures.  TBA.&lt;br /&gt;(Monday, April 30)&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;David Clark, "Urban Futures," pp. 579-589, in LeGates and Stout &lt;br /&gt;Panel discussion on urban futures. Part II.  TBA.&lt;br /&gt;(Wednesday, May 2)&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Section&lt;br /&gt;(Friday, May 4)&lt;br /&gt;In-class evaluation exercise. &lt;br /&gt;Note: The exercise in this class will account for 5% of your grade.  &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Ben Kohl's Comments On Teaching This Course&lt;br /&gt;This course is the second course of a two semester introductory sequence for undergraduate students in Urban Studies. This course meets twice a week as a lecture course with about 50 students and once a week in discussion sections with 16 students. About 60% of the students are from Urban Studies, with the remainder coming from across the university, using the class to fulfill general distribution requirements.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The course presented here requires students to read 100 pages a week of demanding material and was successful as designed only because of the caliber of the students. In many universities the reading might be more appropriate for an intermediate course. The students complained about the text by Alan Gilbert and Josef Gugler, Cities, Poverty And Development: Urbanization In The Third World, 2nd ed., 1992, and I don't think I would use it again. Unfortunately, I haven't found a text I like better and would welcome other suggestions. &lt;br /&gt; &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Syllabus copyright ©2001 Ben Kohl. All rights reserved. &lt;br /&gt;Permission to copy and use under "fair use" in education is granted, provided proper credit is given.&lt;div class="blogger-post-footer"&gt;&lt;img width='1' height='1' src='https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/tracker/8328808403424165981-1919724850727587800?l=fixcentenario.blogspot.com' alt='' /&gt;&lt;/div&gt;</content><link rel='replies' type='application/atom+xml' href='http://fixcentenario.blogspot.com/feeds/1919724850727587800/comments/default' title='Post Comments'/><link rel='replies' type='text/html' href='http://www.blogger.com/comment.g?blogID=8328808403424165981&amp;postID=1919724850727587800' title='0 Comments'/><link rel='edit' type='application/atom+xml' href='http://www.blogger.com/feeds/8328808403424165981/posts/default/1919724850727587800'/><link rel='self' type='application/atom+xml' href='http://www.blogger.com/feeds/8328808403424165981/posts/default/1919724850727587800'/><link rel='alternate' type='text/html' href='http://fixcentenario.blogspot.com/2009/06/wittgenstein_1640.html' title='Wittgenstein'/><author><name>education</name><uri>http://www.blogger.com/profile/12343022453805740638</uri><email>noreply@blogger.com</email><gd:image rel='http://schemas.google.com/g/2005#thumbnail' width='16' height='16' src='http://img2.blogblog.com/img/b16-rounded.gif'/></author><thr:total>0</thr:total></entry><entry><id>tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8328808403424165981.post-8692311645065068008</id><published>2009-06-25T10:38:00.000-07:00</published><updated>2009-06-25T10:40:29.241-07:00</updated><title type='text'>Urban Social Processes in the Third World</title><content type='html'>Third World Urbanization&lt;br /&gt;(City and Regional Planning: CRP 474/674)&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Ben Kohl&lt;br /&gt;bk20@cornell.edu&lt;br /&gt;Cornell University&lt;br /&gt;Ithaca, New York, USA&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Fall 2000&lt;br /&gt; &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;SYLLABUS&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;(See below for Ben Kohl's Comments On Teaching This Course).&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Course Description&lt;br /&gt;This course explores trends in urbanization, focusing on Africa, Asia, Eastern Europe, and Latin America. We first look at the nature of cities and explore different theoretical approaches to understanding cities and urbanization. We ground the theoretical issues through an examination of Brasilia, one of the models of modernist development, and compare it with other cities around the world. We then examine a range of topics that include how a city’s design affects the social lives, how global economic systems affect cities, how urban social movements have responded to economic and cultural globalization, and how global trends in decen tralization affect residents of cities around the world. During the second half of the semester we read texts selected by students that are relevant to their research projects.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Readings&lt;br /&gt;During the second half of the semester students will chose readings which reflect their research interests, to complement the assigned texts. &lt;br /&gt;Readings include a number of articles in addition to the following texts: &lt;br /&gt;David Clark &lt;br /&gt;Urban World/Global City &lt;br /&gt;Lisa Peattie &lt;br /&gt;Planning: Rethinking Ciudad Guayana &lt;br /&gt;James Holston &lt;br /&gt;The Modernist City: An Anthropological Critique of Brasilia, 1989 &lt;br /&gt;David A. Smith &lt;br /&gt;Third World Cities in Global Perspective, 1996 (optional) &lt;br /&gt;Requirements and Evaluation&lt;br /&gt;You must attend class and participate in discussions. I expect you to read and think about the texts before class and have assigned a number of reading responses to ensure that you read closely. I have assigned a number of intermediate assignments - abstract or problem statement, annotated bibliography or literature review -- that will help you prepare the final paper. As I believe that any piece of writing should undergo a number of drafts and that learning to read critically the work of others helps develop writing skills, I require you to turn in a draft of your paper for peer review. I do not expect you to act as a copy editor or write a paper for a fellow student; I do, however, expect you to critically engage the ideas of your peers. The final evaluation serves as an opportunity for you to reflect on the semester as well as for me to improve the course. Your final grade will be based on the following criteria.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;GRADING CRITERIA  &lt;br /&gt;25%  attendance and participation in discussions  &lt;br /&gt;25%  a research project &lt;br /&gt;problem statement due Oct. 2 &lt;br /&gt;draft due Nov. 20 &lt;br /&gt;final paper due Dec. 4&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;undergraduate students: 2-3000 words &lt;br /&gt;graduate students: 3-4000 words &lt;br /&gt; &lt;br /&gt;15%  annotated bibliography or a literature review (due Oct. 23)  &lt;br /&gt;10% presentations of readings and research results  &lt;br /&gt;10% weekly reading responses (3-600 words)  &lt;br /&gt;10% peer review of a research paper or case study (due Nov. 27)  &lt;br /&gt;5% final evaluation of the class (due Nov. 27)  &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;ASSIGNMENTS AND CLASS SCHEDULE&lt;br /&gt;INTRODUCTION AND OVERVIEW&lt;br /&gt;(Week 1, August 28)&lt;br /&gt;What is urbanization and how can we study it? Why study cities in low- and middle- income countries? What is urbanization and how does it differ in richer and poorer countries? Is there a ‘natural’ form that cities should take? How do events in Los Angeles shape cities in Brazil? &lt;br /&gt;Niccolo Machiavelli, "The Prince and the Discourses," pp. 19-21, in Abu-Lughod and Hay, Third World Urbanization &lt;br /&gt;Frederich Engels "The Great Towns," pp. 46-57, from the Condition of the Working Class, in Richard LeGates and Frederic Stout, The City Reader, 1996 &lt;br /&gt;Edward Soja, "It all comes together in LA," in Postmodern Geographies, 1989 &lt;br /&gt;David Clark, "Global Patterns and Perspectives," pp. 1-11, Urban World/Global City, 1996 &lt;br /&gt;Janet Abu-Lughod and Richard Hay, Jr., "Introduction," pp. 1-13, in Third World Urbanization, 1977 &lt;br /&gt;James Holston, "Blueprint Utopia," pp. 31-41, in The Modernist City: An Anthropological Critique of Brasilia, 1989 &lt;br /&gt;Kevin Lynch, "What is the Form of a City and How Is It Made?" pp. 37-50 in Good City Form, 1981 &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;CITIES AS A GLOBAL PHENOMENON&lt;br /&gt;(Week 2, September 4)&lt;br /&gt;Clark’s short book serves as a good introduction to study cities within a global context. We will discuss the major issues and use La Paz, Bolivia, a capital city in a peripheral country, as an example. &lt;br /&gt;David Clark, Urban World/Global City, 1996 &lt;br /&gt;David A. Smith, Third World Cities in Global Perspective, pp. 1-45 (optional), 1996 &lt;br /&gt;Assignment:&lt;br /&gt;Reading response, 250 words. Do not restate the reading but use it to help frame a question that you will bring to the discussion. You may use this assignment as an opportunity to introduce yourself to the class and let us know what questions you would like to address during the semester. Post your response to the course website and bring three copies to class.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;THEORIZING URBANIZATION&lt;br /&gt;(Week 3, September 11)&lt;br /&gt;A number of different theoretical approaches can be used to understand urbanization. This week’s readings reflect a range of these approaches. One challenge for the class will be to apply some of these approaches to the study of cities outside of North America and Europe. A second challenge will be to link theories based on the analysis of global systems to specific cities. &lt;br /&gt;David Harvey, "Contested Cities: Social process and spatial form," pp. 19-27, in N. Jewson and S. McGregor, eds., Transforming Cities: Contested Governance and New Spatial Divisions, 1997 &lt;br /&gt;John Browder and Brian Godfrey, "Theoretical Perspectives on Frontier Urbanization: Toward an Urban Systems Approach," pp. 20-54, in Rainforest Cities, Urbanization, Development, and Globalization of the Brazilian Amazon, 1997 &lt;br /&gt;Michael Leaf, "Habitat II and the Globalization of Ideas," pp. 71-78, Journal of Planning Education and Research, 17, 1998 &lt;br /&gt;Smith, Third World Cities, pp. 39-46, pp. 47-168 (optional) &lt;br /&gt;Edward Soja, "Metropolis in Crisis," pp. 95-116, in Postmetropolis: Critical Studies in Cities and Regions, 2000 &lt;br /&gt;Michael Dear, "Introduction," pp. 1-9, and "Taking Los Angeles Seriously," pp. 10-24, in The Postmodern Urban Condition, 2000 &lt;br /&gt;Reread Lynch from week 1 &lt;br /&gt;Assignment:&lt;br /&gt;Reading response.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;THE CITY IN HISTORY&lt;br /&gt;(Week 4, September 18)&lt;br /&gt;Cities are not twentieth century inventions. This week we retrace our steps and look at the growth of cities through the 19th century. We see that many of the earliest ‘global’ cities -- Beijing, Cairo, Istanbul, and Cuzco -- are in what is now considered the developing world. Many cities in developing countries were built as part of European colonial expansion. &lt;br /&gt;James C. Scott, Chapter 2. "Cities, People, and Language," pp. 53-83, in Seeing Like a State: How Certain Schemes to Improve the Human Condition Have Failed, 1998 &lt;br /&gt;Jacques Gernet, "Daily Life in China on the Eve of the Mongol Invasion: 1250-1276," in Abu-Lughod and Richard Hay, eds. &lt;br /&gt;Dora Crouch, Daniel Garr, and Axel Mundigo, "City Planning Ordinances of the Laws of the Indies," pp. 1-47, in Spanish City Planning in North America, 1982 &lt;br /&gt;Henri Pirenne, "City Origins and Cities and European Civilization," pp. 37-45 in Richard T. LeGates and Frederic Stout, The City Reader, [1925] 1996 &lt;br /&gt;Eric Wolf, "The World in 1400," pp. 24-73, in Europe and the People without History, 1982 (optional) &lt;br /&gt;Recommended: Gordon Childe, "The Urban Revolution," pp. 20-30, in LeGates and Stout &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;PLANNED CITIES AND CITY PLANNING&lt;br /&gt;(Week 5, September 25)&lt;br /&gt;In some places, the design and construction of cities in developing countries has taken the form of monumental architecture. In Latin America, Ciudad Guayana and Brasilia were both constructed as civilizing, nation-building projects. These cities were conceived as model western cities to be built in the wilderness. In both cases, the visions of the planners and architects were not compatible with the economic and social needs of many of the cities’ residents who have actively reshaped both cities. &lt;br /&gt;Lisa Peattie, Planning: Rethinking Ciudad Guayana, 1987 &lt;br /&gt;James Holston, "Blueprint Utopia," pp. 31-58, in The Modernist City: An Anthropological Critique of Brasilia, 1989 &lt;br /&gt;Leaf, Michael L. "Urban Planning and Urban Reality Under Chinese Economic Reforms," Journal of Planning Education and Research, 18, pp. 145-153, 1998 &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;PART I.  STREETS FOR LIVING AND MOVING&lt;br /&gt;(Week 6. October 2)&lt;br /&gt;We use Brasilia as our case. Holston’s book serves to raise certain questions about urbanization. We complement his work with readings from cities in other parts of the world. In following weeks I will ask you to bring in material from your research projects to compare with the Brazilian experience. As Holston does not address some topics of importance -- urban environments, for example -- we deal with those separately.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;One feature of a ‘modern’ city is that streets are designed for cars not for people. The implications of this type of change affect every aspect of urban life. The three readings on Brazil present different perspectives on designing transportation systems in fast growing urban areas. &lt;br /&gt;Holston, Chapter 4, "The Death of the Street," pp. 99-144 &lt;br /&gt;Eduardo Vasconcellos, "The making of the middle class city: transportation policy in Sao Paulo," pp. 293-310, Environment and Planning, A 29 &lt;br /&gt;Meschack Khosa, "Transport and popular struggles in Africa," pp. 167-88, Antipode 27(2) 1995 &lt;br /&gt;Jonas Rabinovitch, "Innovative land use and public transport policy: the Case of Curitiba, Brazil," pp. 51-67, Land Use Policy, Vol. 13, no. 1, 1996 &lt;br /&gt;Fumihiko Saito, "A Continuing Role for Rickshaws in Dhaka, Bangladesh," pp. 281-293, Canadian Journal of Development Studies Vol. 14, No. 2, 1993 &lt;br /&gt;Amrita Daniere, "Transportation Planning and Implementation in Cities of the Third World: the Case of Bangkok," pp. 25-45, Government and Policy Vol. 13(1), 1995 &lt;br /&gt;Alan Gilbert and Josef Gugler, "The Urban-Rural Interface and Migration," pp. 62-86, in Cities, Poverty and Development: Urbanization in the Third World, 2nd ed., 1992 &lt;br /&gt;Additional readings to be assigned &lt;br /&gt;Assignments:&lt;br /&gt;Problem statement for research project.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;THE CITY IN HISTORY&lt;br /&gt;Part II. Mid-semester Review&lt;br /&gt;The mid-semester review will help us plot the course for the second half of the semester. I have included some readings and will add others, but, in general, I expect you to take an increasingly active role in shaping the remaining classes. In weeks 7-10 we will continue to parallel Holston’s book. I have, however, left room for you to contribute to the readings on these topics. In the final three weeks we will address topics to be determined by the class.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Students who have not presented readings in weeks 7-10 will work in groups to design the final classes. The group responsible for a particular class will need to meet with me and agree on readings and have a complete set of readings ready to be distributed one week in advance. (Ex. Readings for Nov. 6 must be handed out on Oct. 30. Students should define the agenda and then schedule an appointment with me the week of Oct. 23.) &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;FALL BREAK&lt;br /&gt;Projects and case studies should be approved before break.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;WORKING AND LIVING&lt;br /&gt;(Week 7, October 16) &lt;br /&gt;Holston, "Typologies of Order, Work, and Resistance," pp. 145-96 &lt;br /&gt;Lea Jellinek, "Displaced by Modernity: The Saga of a Jakarta Street-Trader’s Family from the 1940s to the 1990s," pp. 139-155, in Josef Gugler, ed. Cities in the Developing World, 1997 &lt;br /&gt;Carole Rakodi, "Housing Markets in Third World Cities: Research and Policy in the 1990s," pp. 39-55, in World Development 20(1) 1992 &lt;br /&gt;Other readings to be assigned. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;CITIES AND CITIZENS&lt;br /&gt;(Week 8, October 23) &lt;br /&gt;T. H. Marshall, "Citizenship and Social Class," pp. 93-111, in Gershon Shair, ed. The Citizenship Debates, (1949) 1998 &lt;br /&gt;Holston, "Rights to the City," pp. 197-255 &lt;br /&gt;Janet Abu-Lughod, "Contemporary Relevance of the Islamic City," pp. 11-36, in Hooshang Amirahmadi and Salah S. El-Shakhs eds., Urban Development in the Muslim World, 1993 &lt;br /&gt;Other readings to be assigned. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;SOCIAL MOVEMENTS&lt;br /&gt;(Week 9, October 30) &lt;br /&gt;Holston, "Cities of Rebellion," pp. 257-88 &lt;br /&gt;Other readings to be assigned. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;PRODUCTION AND THE FORMAL AND INFORMAL SECTORS&lt;br /&gt;(Week 10, November 6) &lt;br /&gt;Holston, "The Brazilianization of Brasilia," pp. 289-318 &lt;br /&gt;Manuel Castells and Alejandro Portes, "World Underneath: the Origins, Dynamics and Effects of the Informal Economy, in A. Portes, M. Castells, and L. Benton, The Informal Economy: Studies in Advanced and Less Developed Countries, 1989 &lt;br /&gt;Other readings to be assigned. &lt;br /&gt;Assignment (optional):&lt;br /&gt;Outline of research project.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;URBAN ENVIRONMENTS&lt;br /&gt;(Week 11, November 13) &lt;br /&gt;Kirk R. Smith and Yok-Shiu F. Lee, "Urbanization and the Environmental Risk Transition," pp. 161-179, in John Kasarda and Alan Parnell, Third World Cities, Problems, Policies and Prospects, 1993 &lt;br /&gt;Daniel T. Sicular, "Pockets of Peasants in Indonesian Cities: The Case of Scavengers," pp. 137-161, World Development 19(2/3) 1991 &lt;br /&gt;Other readings to be assigned. &lt;br /&gt;Assignment:&lt;br /&gt;Working draft of research project.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;GOVERNANCE AND DECENTRALIZATION (subject to change)&lt;br /&gt;(Week 12, November 20) &lt;br /&gt;Readings to be assigned. &lt;br /&gt;Assignment due:&lt;br /&gt;Peer review of drafts.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;STUDENT PRESENTATIONS&lt;br /&gt;(Week 13, November 27)&lt;br /&gt;Note: We may have to schedule an extra session to allow all students to present their work. &lt;br /&gt;Readings to be assigned. &lt;br /&gt;Assignment:&lt;br /&gt;Papers due Dec. 4.  &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Comments by Ben Kohl On Teaching This Course&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;This course is offered as part of the graduate program in City and Regional Planning and is one of the recommended courses for the International Studies in Planning stream. The course was designed to help students understand the processes related to urbanization. The course attracts 12-18 (mostly non US) graduate students with international interests from Planning, Rural and Development Sociology, and Anthropology and is offered alternate years.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;I structured the course as a seminar and required students both to write weekly reading reports and present the readings in class. We began this the first class during which, after a brief presentation, I distributed a number of short readings and divided the students into groups to discuss the material and then present their findings to the group. That exercise served to set the tone for the course. Given the diversity of the students -- two-thirds were non-native English speakers - I assumed that few students would do all the readings. To ensure the basis for discussion, students were responsible for reading the reviews posted by their peers.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;I taught this course only once and would change the readings if I were to do it again for the same student body. I organized the middle section of the course around Holston's study of Brazilia, The Modernist City. The students, with little preparation in anthropology, found the book very difficult.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;During the last four weeks of the semester students took responsibility for identifying and presenting readings related to their research topics.  &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;br&gt; Syllabus copyright ©2000 Ben Kohl. All rights reserved. &lt;br /&gt;Permission to copy and use under "fair use" in education is granted, provided proper credit is given.&lt;div class="blogger-post-footer"&gt;&lt;img width='1' height='1' src='https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/tracker/8328808403424165981-8692311645065068008?l=fixcentenario.blogspot.com' alt='' /&gt;&lt;/div&gt;</content><link rel='replies' type='application/atom+xml' href='http://fixcentenario.blogspot.com/feeds/8692311645065068008/comments/default' title='Post Comments'/><link rel='replies' type='text/html' href='http://www.blogger.com/comment.g?blogID=8328808403424165981&amp;postID=8692311645065068008' title='0 Comments'/><link rel='edit' type='application/atom+xml' href='http://www.blogger.com/feeds/8328808403424165981/posts/default/8692311645065068008'/><link rel='self' type='application/atom+xml' href='http://www.blogger.com/feeds/8328808403424165981/posts/default/8692311645065068008'/><link rel='alternate' type='text/html' href='http://fixcentenario.blogspot.com/2009/06/urban-social-processes-in-third-world.html' title='Urban Social Processes in the Third World'/><author><name>education</name><uri>http://www.blogger.com/profile/12343022453805740638</uri><email>noreply@blogger.com</email><gd:image rel='http://schemas.google.com/g/2005#thumbnail' width='16' height='16' src='http://img2.blogblog.com/img/b16-rounded.gif'/></author><thr:total>0</thr:total></entry><entry><id>tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8328808403424165981.post-563793664963121676</id><published>2009-06-25T10:34:00.000-07:00</published><updated>2009-06-25T10:38:16.334-07:00</updated><title type='text'>Social Theory</title><content type='html'>Underdevelopment is the state of an organization (e.g. a country) that has not reached its maturity.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt; &lt;br /&gt;Most Sub-Saharan African countries remain largely underdeveloped - street in Dakar, Senegal.It is often used to refer to economic underdevelopment, symptoms of which include lack of access to job opportunities, health care, drinkable water, food, education and housing.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Overview&lt;br /&gt;Underdevelopment takes place when resources are not used to their full socio-economic potential, with the result that local or regional development is slower in most cases than it should be. Furthermore, it results from the complex interplay of internal and external factors that allow less developed countries only a lop-sided development progression. Underdeveloped nations are characterized by a wide disparity between their rich and poor populations, and an unhealthy balance of trade.[1]&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;[edit] Extended overview&lt;br /&gt;The economic and social development of many developing countries has not been even. They have an unequal trade balance which results from their dependence upon primary products (usually only a handful) for their export receipts. These commodities are often (a) in limited demand in the industrialized countries (for example: tea, coffee, sugar, cocoa, bananas); (b) vulnerable to replacement by synthetic substitutes (jute, cotton, etc); or (c) are experiencing shrinking demand with the evolution of new technologies that require smaller quantities of raw materials (as is the case with many metals). Prices cannot be raised as this simply hastens the use of replacement synthetics or alloys, nor can production be expanded as this rapidly depresses prices. Consequently, the primary commodities upon which most of the developing countries depend are subject to considerable short-term price fluctuation, rendering the foreign exchange receipts of the developing nations unstable and vulnerable. Development thus remains elusive.[2]&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;[edit] History&lt;br /&gt;The world consists of a group of rich nations and a large number of poor nations. It is usually held that economic development takes place in a series of capitalist stages and that today’s underdeveloped countries are still in a stage of history through which the now developed countries passed long ago. The countries that are now fully developed have never been underdeveloped in the first place, though they might have been undeveloped. [3]&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;[edit] Examples of Underdeveloped Countries and Regions&lt;br /&gt; &lt;br /&gt;Political map as the Human Development Index.Africa&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Africa is the second-largest continent on the planet (after Asia) in both land area and population—with more than 800 million people living in fifty-four countries. With a total land area of more than 30,221,532 km² (11,668,598.7 sq mi), Africa accounts for 20% of the land on the planet; its population accounts for one-seventh of the population of earth. It is also the most underdeveloped continent. [4]&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Third World&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The Third World refers to the technologically less advanced, or developing, nations of Asia, Africa, and Latin America. They are generally typified as low income, having economies dependent on the export of major products to the developed countries in return for finished products. These nations also tend to have high rates of illiteracy, disease, and population growth, and unstable governments. Many are at the bottom of the league in terms of human development, such as Bangladesh, Bhutan, Cambodia, Kiribati, Laos, Myanmar, Nepal, Samoa, Solomon Islands, Tuvalu, Vanuatu.[3]&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Afghanistan&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Historically, there has been a deficiency of information and dependable statistics about Afghanistan's economy. The 1979 Soviet invasion and consequent civil war destroyed much of the country's limited transportation infrastructure[citation needed] and disrupted normal patterns of economic activity[citation needed]. Gross domestic product had fallen significantly because of loss of labor and capital and disruption of trade and transport. Continuing internal conflict disadvantaged both domestic efforts at reconstruction as well as international aid efforts. The country today however is beginning to make some progress. [5]&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;[edit] Theories&lt;br /&gt;Modernization Theory&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Modernization theory is a socio-economic theory, also known as the Development theory. This highlights the positive role played by the developed world in modernizing and facilitating sustainable development in underdeveloped nations. It is often contrasted with Dependency theory.[6]&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The theory of modernization consists of three parts:&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Identification of types of societies, and explanation of how those designated as modernized or relatively modernized differ from others; &lt;br /&gt;Specification of how societies become modernized, comparing factors that are more or less conducive to transformation. &lt;br /&gt;Generalizations about how the parts of a modernized society fit together, involving comparisons of stages of modernization and types of modernized societies with clarity about prospects for further modernization. [7] &lt;br /&gt;Dependency Theory&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Dependency theory is the body of theories by various intellectuals, both from the Third World and the First World, that suggest that the wealthy nations of the world need a peripheral group of poorer states in order to remain wealthy. Dependency theory states that the poverty of the countries in the periphery is not because they are not integrated into the world system, but because of how they are integrated into the system.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;These poor nations provide natural resources, cheap labor, a destination for obsolete technology, and markets to the wealthy nations, without which they could not have the standard of living they enjoy. First world nations actively, but not necessarily consciously, perpetuate a state of dependency through various policies and initiatives. This state of dependency is multifaceted, involving economics, media control, politics, banking and finance, education, sport and all aspects of human resource development. Any attempt by the dependent nations to resist the influences of dependency could result in economic sanctions and/or military invasion and control. This is rare, however, and dependency is enforced far more by the wealthy nations setting the rules of international trade and commerce.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Dependency theory first emerged in the 1950s, advocated by Raul Prebisch whose research found that the wealth of poor nations tended to decrease when the wealth of rich nations increased. The theory quickly divided into diverse schools. Some, most notably Andre Gunder Frank, adapted it to Marxism. "Standard" dependency theory differs sharply from Marxism, however, arguing against internationalism and any hope of progress in less developed nations towards industrialization and a liberating revolution. Former Brazilian President Fernando Henrique Cardoso wrote extensively on dependency theory while in political exile. The American sociologist Immanuel Wallerstein refined the Marxist aspect of the theory, and called it the "world system." [8]&lt;div class="blogger-post-footer"&gt;&lt;img width='1' height='1' src='https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/tracker/8328808403424165981-563793664963121676?l=fixcentenario.blogspot.com' alt='' /&gt;&lt;/div&gt;</content><link rel='replies' type='application/atom+xml' href='http://fixcentenario.blogspot.com/feeds/563793664963121676/comments/default' title='Post Comments'/><link rel='replies' type='text/html' href='http://www.blogger.com/comment.g?blogID=8328808403424165981&amp;postID=563793664963121676' title='0 Comments'/><link rel='edit' type='application/atom+xml' href='http://www.blogger.com/feeds/8328808403424165981/posts/default/563793664963121676'/><link rel='self' type='application/atom+xml' href='http://www.blogger.com/feeds/8328808403424165981/posts/default/563793664963121676'/><link rel='alternate' type='text/html' href='http://fixcentenario.blogspot.com/2009/06/social-theory_6515.html' title='Social Theory'/><author><name>education</name><uri>http://www.blogger.com/profile/12343022453805740638</uri><email>noreply@blogger.com</email><gd:image rel='http://schemas.google.com/g/2005#thumbnail' width='16' height='16' src='http://img2.blogblog.com/img/b16-rounded.gif'/></author><thr:total>0</thr:total></entry><entry><id>tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8328808403424165981.post-1001843251472991549</id><published>2009-06-25T10:32:00.000-07:00</published><updated>2009-06-25T10:34:37.854-07:00</updated><title type='text'>Wittgenstein</title><content type='html'>Wittgenstein's Logic of Language - &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;What "manner of man" was Wittgenstein? From the point of view of his logic of language, it does not matter. The Philosophical Investigations, whether written by Ludwig Wittgenstein or by Josef Stalin ("Some of the young comrades have asked me whether grammar is a[n ideological] superstructure on the [economic] base"), must stand or fall to the test of reason (criticism) on its own.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;On the other hand, we do hope that the study of a man's life (character) will help us to understand his work in philosophy. But this is in some cases a delusion. Either a man's work is to be judged independently of the man himself (as in the case with mathematical-logic e.g.), or, as in the case of Socrates, the man is an embodiment of his philosophy (in which case by 'philosophy' we mean not only a use of reason but also a way of life; even then, however, Platonic-Socratic logic must stand on its own). Wittgenstein's work in the logic of language belongs to the first category.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;What, then, is the point of this page? It is an historical aside, nothing more. (If it is suggested that there is a relation between Wittgenstein's religion and his philosophy that may explain why he set the limits to his philosophical inquiries where he did, I would be uncertain.) But, on the other hand, much of this page is as much about Wittgenstein's philosophy as about Wittgenstein the human being.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Note: nothing I have written here is intended to denigrate Wittgenstein, for whom I feel deep respect. But many of Wittgenstein's perceptions belong to a past age, one prior to the revolutions in the West that have allowed the common man to "forget his place", and therefore there is bound to be dissonance between Wittgenstein's views and my own. Wittgenstein was born in 1889, my grandfathers in 1887 and 1888. An historian (I'm sorry, I don't recall which) wrote that those who came before us doubtless had their prejudices -- but maybe their prejudices were different from our own.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Note: this page has been superseded in parts by other papers about the Philosophy of Religion.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;--------------------------------------------------------------------------------&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Wittgenstein's Religion - "What manner of man was he?"&lt;br /&gt;Preliminary: Contrary to what Parak wrote, Wittgenstein was not following the Gospel by giving away his fortune, because the Gospel says that the rich man's possessions should be given to the poor. And Wittgenstein left his inherited wealth to his own brothers and sisters, who were far from poor. He did not assign his wealth e.g. to a pension fund for the workers, or to a fund for the education of the workers' children, in the industries from which his father had acquired his wealth and his father's children their privileges.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Wittgenstein was several times decorated for bravery in World War One, but there a great difference between serving in the infantry (as Socrates did) and serving in the artillery (as Wittgenstein did): it is one thing to kill men or be killed face to face, quite another to kill faceless men at a distance. Also, to me it seems that by far the bravest military act is to say "No" [i.e. to disobey an illegal or immoral order], and in this context I respect Keynes and Russell in a far different way than I do my great-uncle, a soldier slaughtered by a German H. E. Shell (which might as easily have been Austrian) in Malancourt, France, during an otherwise quiet day's advance of 27 September 1918, in a war Pope Benedict XV condemned as "useless carnage". Like sheep to the slaughter they went ...&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Further, Wittgenstein seems to have entered the war for entirely personal reasons -- i.e. to face death in order to be shocked into becoming the "decent human being" he wished to be. Where in his philosophical writings -- or even in those remarks which he separated from his work in logic (now collected under the English title Culture and Value) -- does Wittgenstein mention Austria? Does a philosopher take "patriotic duty" as a matter of course, or does he give the deepest reflection to that question? There is no evidence that Wittgenstein did.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;I make these remarks in order to show that I myself do not know "what manner of man" Wittgenstein was.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;"... I doubt whether his disciples knew what manner of man he was."&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Bertrand Russell about Wittgenstein. [Note 1]&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Wittgenstein worked as a gardener's assistant at a Benedictine monastery near Vienna after he left school teaching, and, according to von Wright, he more than once considered becoming a monk [Note 2]. Whether one finds it plausible that Wittgenstein was correctly understood by Parak may depend on the picture one has of the kind of priest Wittgenstein would have wanted to be, of what the priests he respected were like.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;"... in every village someone who stood for these things." In times of superstition someone like that could do a lot of good as a teacher and as an example. But in later times maybe not. But there really have been priests like that, and in other backward places there still are priests who are able to teach that:&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Religious faith and superstition are quite different. One of them results from fear and is a sort of false science. The other is a trusting. (Culture and Value p. 72)&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;A friend of Wittgenstein's, a Dominican priest said prayers beside Wittgenstein's death-bed and at his graveside, and this gave rise to gossip after Wittgenstein death. But I think Wittgenstein's own attitude to all this was shown by what he told Drury in 1944: "I seem to be surrounded now by Roman Catholic converts! I don't know whether they pray for me. I hope they do." (Recollections p. 148) And this was in fact one of the remarks that Drury had remembered at the time of Wittgenstein's death and that had led to inviting the Dominican. (ibid. p. 171)&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;But although Wittgenstein said to Drury, "There is a sense in which you and I are both Christians" (ibid. p. 114) and it was the view of Wittgenstein's sister Hermine that her brother was a Christian, someone who wrote that "The way you use the word 'God' shows not whom you mean -- but instead what you mean" (CV p. 50) could not have reconciled himself to any of the Christian denominations with their required assent to various dogmas, e.g. to God the Creator, a doctrine which Wittgenstein said played no part in his own thinking (see Norman Malcolm's Ludwig Wittgenstein: a Memoir, 2nd ed. (1984), p. 59).&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;And even if Christian "religious pictures" were those that said most to Wittgenstein [Note 3], his admiration for sincere religious faith was much broader than his respect for the Christian faith alone. To Drury he said: "All religions are wonderful ... The ways in which people express their religious feelings differ enormously." (Recollections p. 102)&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Wittgenstein's own faith was austere (or, to use his word, "ascetic"), that is, without dogma, with mythology serving only as life-guiding pictures. To Drury:&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;I think one of the things you and I have to learn is that we have to live without the consolation of belonging to a Church....&lt;br /&gt;  Of one thing I am certain. The religion of the future will have to be extremely ascetic, and by that I don't mean just going without food and drink. (Recollections p. 114, in 1930s)&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The symbolisms of Catholicism are wonderful beyond words. But any attempt to make it into a philosophical system is offensive. (ibid. p. 102)&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;However austere it may have been, however, Wittgenstein's faith must have been deep because it lasted to the end of his life. Two years before his death, he told Drury:&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;I have had a letter from an old friend in Austria, a priest. In it he says that he hopes my work will go well, if it should be God's will. Now that is all I want: if it should be God's will. (ibid. p. 168, in 1949; cf. CV p. 57-58)&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Wittgenstein often pointed out Drury's romanticism to him. But Wittgenstein himself was as romantic as anyone, e.g. reading Tolstoy on the Gospels during WW1 ("the man with the book") [Note 4], and wanting to emigrate to the USSR to help build a new way of life there. But, he said, "There is something childish in this, but there is also something good." [Note 5]&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Alyosha in Dostoyevsky's romance The Brothers Karamazov undertakes the moral education of the boys of the village. But it is in no way easy for an educated and cultured man to work with peasants [Note 6] if he does not have the common touch. It did not work out for Wittgenstein, and he returned to Cambridge to think again about the logic of language. [Note 7]&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;--------------------------------------------------------------------------------&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Bertrand Russell's view of Wittgenstein&lt;br /&gt;Note 1: Russell made this remark in the context of polemic. He confessed to his dislike of finding himself "out of fashion", said that it was hard to accept this gracefully, and then went on to accept it ungracefully. Wittgenstein, he wrote,&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;was a very singular man, and I doubt whether his disciples knew what manner of man he was.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;I admired Wittgenstein's Tractatus but not his later work, which seemed to me to involve an abnegation of his own best talent very similar to those of Pascal and Tolstoy.&lt;br /&gt;  His followers, without (so far as I can discover) undergoing the mental torments which made him and Pascal and Tolstoy pardonable in spite of their treachery to their own greatness, have produced a number of works which, I am told, have merit, and in these works they have set forth a number of arguments against my views and methods. (Bertrand Russell, My Philosophical Development, New York: 1959, p. 214-215)&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Drury replied to Russell in his essay "Madness and Religion" (in DW). For a very different point of view from Russell's, see Engelmann's understanding of his friend Wittgenstein (which applies this "abnegation" also to the Tractatus Logico-Philosophicus).&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Conceptions of Philosophy - Russell versus Wittgenstein&lt;br /&gt;Wittgenstein's impact upon me came in two waves: the first of these was before the First World War; the second was immediately after the War when he sent me the manuscript of his Tractatus. His later doctrines, as they appear in his Philosophical Investigations, have not influenced me at all. (My Philosophical Development, p. 112)&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;I have not found in Wittgenstein's Philosophical Investigations anything that seemed to me interesting .... [This philosophy] remains to me completely unintelligible. Its positive doctrines seem to me trivial and its negative doctrines unfounded. (ibid. p. 216).&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;In my view, Russell finds this philosophy unintelligible because -- apart of course from his not wanting to find it intelligible -- he is insisting on understanding (regarding) philosophy as a collection or system of doctrines, and that is exactly what Wittgenstein maintains that his philosophy is not. And, in my opinion, it is not: instead, it is definitions, metaphors and methods -- i.e. in a word, Wittgenstein defined a way of looking at things (i.e. from the point of view of grammar and sense and nonsense) and of asking questions from that point of view -- not a collection of statements (doctrines) about how things "really" are.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Russell conceives philosophy [i.e. defines 'philosophy'] as a collection of speculative theories allied to the sciences (in other words, metaphysics by any other name), whereas for Wittgenstein philosophy is what it was for Socrates: criticism of what you know, or think you know, [although] with clarity [rather than truth] as its ultimate aim. [This view was already expressed in the Tractatus, which Russell should have been aware of: "Philosophy is not one of the natural sciences." (TLP 4.111)] Russell wrote:&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;... as with all philosophers before [Wittgenstein's Philosophical Investigations], my fundamental aim has been to understand the world as well as may be, and to separate what may count as knowledge from what must be rejected as unfounded opinion. (My Philosophical Development, p. 217)&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;But in Wittgenstein's thinking there was a shift away from asking about the truth of philosophical statements (That question was set aside) to asking about the meaning of such statements instead (CV (1998 rev. ed.) [MS 105 46 c: 1929]). Wittgenstein had already written in the TLP that philosophy does not result in a collection of philosophical propositions but in clarity [4.112]. -- But why? Because "philosophical propositions" (Russell: "a proposition is anything that is true or that is false" [The Principles of Mathematics Chapter II, p. 12-13]; Wittgenstein defined 'proposition' as "any expression that can be significantly negated") are not propositions but are instead confusions about the logic of our language: they are expressions of conceptual confusion: they are neither true nor false. [TLP 4.003]&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;To "understand the world as well as may be" is the task of the sciences [In religion there are religious pictures, and in philosophy there are similarly perhaps metaphysical pictures, but neither type of picture is a proposition in Russell's sense of 'proposition']. Note that this was not Socrates' fundamental aim in philosophy (Phaedrus 229e-230a; Diog. L.), despite Russell's claim about "all philosophers".&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;As to separating "what may count as knowledge from what must be rejected as unfounded opinion", this is done in all the intellectual disciplines: it is called critical thinking; it is not a use of reason unique to the work of philosophers.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Wittgenstein's work is foreign to Russell's "fundamental aim". And because Russell was demanding to force Wittgenstein's Philosophical Investigations into a category they do not belong in ("positive and negative doctrines"), he found them uninteresting. That would be a purely philosophical reason for his incomprehension.&lt;div class="blogger-post-footer"&gt;&lt;img width='1' height='1' src='https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/tracker/8328808403424165981-1001843251472991549?l=fixcentenario.blogspot.com' alt='' /&gt;&lt;/div&gt;</content><link rel='replies' type='application/atom+xml' href='http://fixcentenario.blogspot.com/feeds/1001843251472991549/comments/default' title='Post Comments'/><link rel='replies' type='text/html' href='http://www.blogger.com/comment.g?blogID=8328808403424165981&amp;postID=1001843251472991549' title='0 Comments'/><link rel='edit' type='application/atom+xml' href='http://www.blogger.com/feeds/8328808403424165981/posts/default/1001843251472991549'/><link rel='self' type='application/atom+xml' href='http://www.blogger.com/feeds/8328808403424165981/posts/default/1001843251472991549'/><link rel='alternate' type='text/html' href='http://fixcentenario.blogspot.com/2009/06/wittgenstein_25.html' title='Wittgenstein'/><author><name>education</name><uri>http://www.blogger.com/profile/12343022453805740638</uri><email>noreply@blogger.com</email><gd:image rel='http://schemas.google.com/g/2005#thumbnail' width='16' height='16' src='http://img2.blogblog.com/img/b16-rounded.gif'/></author><thr:total>0</thr:total></entry><entry><id>tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8328808403424165981.post-1023020269070438246</id><published>2009-06-25T10:31:00.000-07:00</published><updated>2009-06-25T10:32:32.294-07:00</updated><title type='text'>Urban Social Processes</title><content type='html'>Understanding Urban Development Processes: Integrating the Economic and the Social in Property Research&lt;br /&gt;Simon Guy &lt;br /&gt;School of Architecture, Planning and Landscape, University of Newcastle, Claremont Tower, Newcastle upon Tyne, NEI 7RU, UK, s.c.guy@ncl.ac.uk &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;John Henneberry &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Department of Town and Regional Planning, University of Sheffield, Western Bank, Sheffield, S10 2TN, UK, j.henneberry@shiffield.ac.uk &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;In their treatment of development, researchers in the property sector tend to adopt positivist methodologies which emphasise the application of rational decision-making techniques by utility-maximisers within a mainstream economics paradigm. While considerably increasing our understanding of the development process, such research offers a partial view of its subject from a particular perspective. Recently, alternative methodological and theoretical approaches have evolved which strive to understand the wider institutional context of the development process. The paper critically reflects on these institutionalist approaches in order to develop a research framework which blends economic and social analyses of property development processes. The paper draws upon (re)interpretations of the authors' recent research to address the following points. First, that the economic structuring of development is a product of and, in turn, affects social processes. This is illustrated by a consideration of the price mechanism in the property market. Secondly, that social structures and processes are as important as their economic equivalents in 'explaining' property development. This is addressed by a discussion of the ways in which recent shifts in the social organisation of the property sector are reframing the strategies of development actors, leading to new structures of property provision and use. The paper concludes by arguing for the need to develop an understanding of property development processes which combines a sensitivity to the economic and social framing of development strategies with a fine-grain treatment of the locally contingent social responses of property actors. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Urban Studies, Vol. 37, No. 13, 2399-2416 (2000)&lt;br /&gt;DOI: 10.1080/00420980020005398&lt;div class="blogger-post-footer"&gt;&lt;img width='1' height='1' src='https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/tracker/8328808403424165981-1023020269070438246?l=fixcentenario.blogspot.com' alt='' /&gt;&lt;/div&gt;</content><link rel='replies' type='application/atom+xml' href='http://fixcentenario.blogspot.com/feeds/1023020269070438246/comments/default' title='Post Comments'/><link rel='replies' type='text/html' href='http://www.blogger.com/comment.g?blogID=8328808403424165981&amp;postID=1023020269070438246' title='0 Comments'/><link rel='edit' type='application/atom+xml' href='http://www.blogger.com/feeds/8328808403424165981/posts/default/1023020269070438246'/><link rel='self' type='application/atom+xml' href='http://www.blogger.com/feeds/8328808403424165981/posts/default/1023020269070438246'/><link rel='alternate' type='text/html' href='http://fixcentenario.blogspot.com/2009/06/urban-social-processes_25.html' title='Urban Social Processes'/><author><name>education</name><uri>http://www.blogger.com/profile/12343022453805740638</uri><email>noreply@blogger.com</email><gd:image rel='http://schemas.google.com/g/2005#thumbnail' width='16' height='16' src='http://img2.blogblog.com/img/b16-rounded.gif'/></author><thr:total>0</thr:total></entry><entry><id>tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8328808403424165981.post-5816538370329657602</id><published>2009-06-25T10:29:00.000-07:00</published><updated>2009-06-25T10:30:50.032-07:00</updated><title type='text'>Social Theory</title><content type='html'>Social Theory and Social Structure (STSS) was a landmark publication in sociology by Robert K. Merton. It has been translated into close to 20 languages and is one of the most frequently cited texts in social sciences.[1] It was first published in 1949, although revised editions of 1957 and 1968 are often cited.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The book introduced many important concepts in sociology, like: manifest and latent functions and dysfunctions, obliteration by incorporation, reference groups, self-fulfilling prophecy, middle-range theory and others.[Merton, 1980]&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia&lt;br /&gt;Jump to: navigation, search&lt;br /&gt;Contents [hide]&lt;br /&gt;1 Works &lt;br /&gt;2 Awards &lt;br /&gt;3 See also &lt;br /&gt;4 References &lt;br /&gt;5 External links &lt;br /&gt; &lt;br /&gt; &lt;br /&gt;Piotr Sztompka (born 1944) is professor of Sociology at the Jagiellonian University in Kraków, Poland, and visiting professor at the University of California, Los Angeles.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Sztompka has also taught as visiting professor at Columbia University, the University of Michigan, Johns Hopkins University, the University of Rome, and Tischner European University.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;[edit] Works&lt;br /&gt;System and Function (Studies in Anthropology, 1974). &lt;br /&gt;Sociological Dilemmas (1979). &lt;br /&gt;Robert K. Merton: an Intellectual Profile (1986) &lt;br /&gt;The New Technological Challenge and Socialist Societies (editor, 1987). &lt;br /&gt;Rethinking Progress (with Jeffrey C. Alexander, 1990). &lt;br /&gt;Society in Action: the Theory of Social Becoming (1991). &lt;br /&gt;Sociology in Europe: in Search of Identity (with Birgitta Nedelmann, 1993). &lt;br /&gt;The Sociology of Social Change (1993). &lt;br /&gt;Agency and Structure: Reorienting Social Theory (International Studies in Global Change, vol. 4; editor, 1994). &lt;br /&gt;Robert K. Merton, On Social Structure and Science (editor, 1996). &lt;br /&gt;Trust: a Sociological Theory (1999). &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;[edit] Awards&lt;br /&gt;New Europe Prize.&lt;div class="blogger-post-footer"&gt;&lt;img width='1' height='1' src='https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/tracker/8328808403424165981-5816538370329657602?l=fixcentenario.blogspot.com' alt='' /&gt;&lt;/div&gt;</content><link rel='replies' type='application/atom+xml' href='http://fixcentenario.blogspot.com/feeds/5816538370329657602/comments/default' title='Post Comments'/><link rel='replies' type='text/html' href='http://www.blogger.com/comment.g?blogID=8328808403424165981&amp;postID=5816538370329657602' title='0 Comments'/><link rel='edit' type='application/atom+xml' href='http://www.blogger.com/feeds/8328808403424165981/posts/default/5816538370329657602'/><link rel='self' type='application/atom+xml' href='http://www.blogger.com/feeds/8328808403424165981/posts/default/5816538370329657602'/><link rel='alternate' type='text/html' href='http://fixcentenario.blogspot.com/2009/06/social-theory_25.html' title='Social Theory'/><author><name>education</name><uri>http://www.blogger.com/profile/12343022453805740638</uri><email>noreply@blogger.com</email><gd:image rel='http://schemas.google.com/g/2005#thumbnail' width='16' height='16' src='http://img2.blogblog.com/img/b16-rounded.gif'/></author><thr:total>0</thr:total></entry><entry><id>tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8328808403424165981.post-3273996872916469423</id><published>2009-06-21T19:23:00.000-07:00</published><updated>2009-06-21T19:28:31.609-07:00</updated><title type='text'>Wittgenstein</title><content type='html'>The Architecture of Meaning:&lt;br /&gt;Wittgenstein’s Tractatus and formal semantics&lt;br /&gt;Martin Stokhof&lt;br /&gt;To appear in:&lt;br /&gt;David Levy and Eduardo Zamuner (eds), Wittgenstein’s Enduring Arguments,&lt;br /&gt;Routledge, London&lt;br /&gt;1 Introduction&lt;br /&gt;With a few notable exceptions formal semantics, as it originated from the seminal work&lt;br /&gt;of Richard Montague, Donald Davidson, Max Cresswell, David Lewis and others, in the&lt;br /&gt;late sixties and early seventies of the previous century, does not consider Wittgenstein&lt;br /&gt;as one of its ancestors. That honour is bestowed on Frege, Tarski, Carnap. And so it has&lt;br /&gt;been in later developments. Most introductions to the subject will refer to Frege and&lt;br /&gt;Tarski (Carnap less frequently) —in addition to the pioneers just mentioned, of course—&lt;br /&gt;, and discuss the main elements of their work that helped shape formal semantics in some&lt;br /&gt;detail. But Wittgenstein is conspicuously absent whenever the history of the subject is&lt;br /&gt;mentioned (usually briefly, if at all).&lt;br /&gt;Of course, if one thinks of Wittgenstein’s later work, this is obvious: nothing, it&lt;br /&gt;seems, could be more antithetic to what formal semantics aims for and to how it pursues&lt;br /&gt;those aims than the views on meaning and language that Wittgenstein expounds in,&lt;br /&gt;e.g., Philosophical Investigations, with its insistence on particularity and diversity, and its&lt;br /&gt;rejection of explanation and formal modelling. But what about his earlier work, the&lt;br /&gt;Tractatus (henceforth TLP)? At first sight, that seems much more congenial, as it develops&lt;br /&gt;a conception of language and meaning that is both general and uniform, explanatory&lt;br /&gt;and formal. In view of that, the general lack of reference to TLP is curious.&lt;br /&gt;The central claim of the present paper is that, actually, this is an oversight. Perhaps&lt;br /&gt;Wittgenstein was no conscious influence on the minds of Montague c.s. at the time,&lt;br /&gt;but he did play a major role in establishing the fundamental principles and philosophical&lt;br /&gt;assumptions that helped shape formal semantics and make it such a successful enterprise,&lt;br /&gt;in linguistics and in philosophy. The actual channels through which this transmission&lt;br /&gt;of concepts and ideas has taken place is not what we will be focusing on here. That is&lt;br /&gt;another story, and a complicated one, which requires more historical knowledge and&lt;br /&gt;skills than we can muster. Rather, we will be content with discussing some systematic&lt;br /&gt; ILLC / Department of Philosophy, Universiteit van Amsterdam. I would like to thank Michiel van&lt;br /&gt;Lambalgen and the editors of this volume for their helpful comments.&lt;br /&gt;1&lt;br /&gt;analogies (and differences, for there are those as well, of course) between Wittgenstein’s&lt;br /&gt;conception of language and meaning in TLP, and the one that was prevalent in formal&lt;br /&gt;semantics at its inception and that continues to exert a major influence in the field until&lt;br /&gt;the present day.&lt;br /&gt;The reasons for being interested in these connections are twofold. First of all, it&lt;br /&gt;appears that formal semanticists do not always appreciate what philosophical assumptions&lt;br /&gt;are behind their enterprise. This is deplorable since an awareness of that part of its&lt;br /&gt;legacy could help formal semantics answer questions regarding its proper status as a&lt;br /&gt;scientific discipline. The diversity that is characteristic of the state in which formal&lt;br /&gt;semantics finds itself today, raises the question how this came about, and how it can be&lt;br /&gt;justified. And part of the answer may well have to do with diverging ways of dealing&lt;br /&gt;with the problems caused by these philosophical assumptions. The second reason why&lt;br /&gt;tracing some systematic connections between Wittgenstein’s early work and the origins&lt;br /&gt;of formal semantics is of interest stays ‘closer to home’, i.e., closer to Wittgenstein. At&lt;br /&gt;many points in his later works Wittgenstein formulated penetrating criticisms of his&lt;br /&gt;earlier ideas. In as much as formal semantics incorporates some of the latter the former&lt;br /&gt;might apply to it as well. These are related but distinct considerations, that each in their&lt;br /&gt;own way put formal semantics to the test: Is it really an empirical discipline? Or does it&lt;br /&gt;remain rooted in its philosophical ancestry?&lt;br /&gt;The approach taken in what follows is by and large systematic. In section 2 we&lt;br /&gt;will review the main characteristics of TLP’s ‘architecture of meaning’ —what meaning&lt;br /&gt;is, how it is structured, how its relates to language and to the world—, isolating three&lt;br /&gt;aspects that are particularly relevant for a comparison with formal semantics. Section 3&lt;br /&gt;contains brief sketch of the way in which some ideas from TLP were transmitted through&lt;br /&gt;the work of Rudolf Carnap. Then, in section 4 we turn to a detailed analysis of the conceptions&lt;br /&gt;that are prominent in the work of the pioneers of formal semantics. The focus&lt;br /&gt;will be on the work of Richard Montague and Donald Davidson, but where relevant&lt;br /&gt;we also refer to the writings of other authors such as David Lewis and Max Cresswell.&lt;br /&gt;After this exposition we turn to an exploration of resemblances and differences between&lt;br /&gt;TLP and formal semantics in section 5. Finally, in section 6, we will address the two&lt;br /&gt;issues identified above: the consequences for the nature of formal semantics as a scientific&lt;br /&gt;discipline, and the potential relevance of Wittgenstein’s own criticisms on the&lt;br /&gt;TLP-framework for formal semantics.&lt;div class="blogger-post-footer"&gt;&lt;img width='1' height='1' src='https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/tracker/8328808403424165981-3273996872916469423?l=fixcentenario.blogspot.com' alt='' /&gt;&lt;/div&gt;</content><link rel='replies' type='application/atom+xml' href='http://fixcentenario.blogspot.com/feeds/3273996872916469423/comments/default' title='Post Comments'/><link rel='replies' type='text/html' href='http://www.blogger.com/comment.g?blogID=8328808403424165981&amp;postID=3273996872916469423' title='0 Comments'/><link rel='edit' type='application/atom+xml' href='http://www.blogger.com/feeds/8328808403424165981/posts/default/3273996872916469423'/><link rel='self' type='application/atom+xml' href='http://www.blogger.com/feeds/8328808403424165981/posts/default/3273996872916469423'/><link rel='alternate' type='text/html' href='http://fixcentenario.blogspot.com/2009/06/wittgenstein_4958.html' title='Wittgenstein'/><author><name>education</name><uri>http://www.blogger.com/profile/12343022453805740638</uri><email>noreply@blogger.com</email><gd:image rel='http://schemas.google.com/g/2005#thumbnail' width='16' height='16' src='http://img2.blogblog.com/img/b16-rounded.gif'/></author><thr:total>0</thr:total></entry><entry><id>tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8328808403424165981.post-5885332030863474994</id><published>2009-06-21T19:21:00.000-07:00</published><updated>2009-06-21T19:23:39.911-07:00</updated><title type='text'>Urban Social Processes</title><content type='html'>Vesselinov, Elena. "Gated Communities: The New Frontier of Urban Inequality in Metropolitan U.S.?" Paper presented at the annual meeting of the American Sociological Association, Marriott Hotel, Loews Philadelphia Hotel, Philadelphia, PA, Aug 12, 2005 Online &lt;PDF&gt;. 2009-06-21 &lt;http://www.allacademic.com/meta/p20088_index.html&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript&lt;br /&gt;Abstract: Gating is a relatively new urban process, which has gained significance particularly in the last decade. The present study focuses on the contemporary link between gating and residential segregation in the context of urban inequality. It seems that by gaining significance as a social process gating if not replacing the process of segregation at least to some extent is becoming as prominent as segregation. Therefore the research question we pose is: Are gating and segregation two forms of urban inequality structurally correlated to a significant extent, thus manifestations of the same or different social disadvantages? &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The results indicate that gating and residential segregation are significantly and negatively correlated and seem to be driven by different social structural mechanisms. Instead of reinforcing each other in cities, the two processes seem to be alternative forms or urban inequality: residential segregation is more prevalent in the Northeast region of the U.S. as compared to the West and the South, and it heavily depends on the level of black population and black income in metropolitan areas. At the same time, the level of gating is significantly higher in the West and the South compared to the Northeast, and seems more dependent on urban housing characteristics than on macroeconomic characteristics. In addition, percent Hispanic is the one factor which positively and significantly influences the increase in gating in the period between 2001 and 2003. In these respects gating can be considered as the new frontier of urban inequality.&lt;div class="blogger-post-footer"&gt;&lt;img width='1' height='1' src='https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/tracker/8328808403424165981-5885332030863474994?l=fixcentenario.blogspot.com' alt='' /&gt;&lt;/div&gt;</content><link rel='replies' type='application/atom+xml' href='http://fixcentenario.blogspot.com/feeds/5885332030863474994/comments/default' title='Post Comments'/><link rel='replies' type='text/html' href='http://www.blogger.com/comment.g?blogID=8328808403424165981&amp;postID=5885332030863474994' title='0 Comments'/><link rel='edit' type='application/atom+xml' href='http://www.blogger.com/feeds/8328808403424165981/posts/default/5885332030863474994'/><link rel='self' type='application/atom+xml' href='http://www.blogger.com/feeds/8328808403424165981/posts/default/5885332030863474994'/><link rel='alternate' type='text/html' href='http://fixcentenario.blogspot.com/2009/06/urban-social-processes_4609.html' title='Urban Social Processes'/><author><name>education</name><uri>http://www.blogger.com/profile/12343022453805740638</uri><email>noreply@blogger.com</email><gd:image rel='http://schemas.google.com/g/2005#thumbnail' width='16' height='16' src='http://img2.blogblog.com/img/b16-rounded.gif'/></author><thr:total>0</thr:total></entry><entry><id>tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8328808403424165981.post-5690572614785981792</id><published>2009-06-21T19:18:00.000-07:00</published><updated>2009-06-21T19:21:29.772-07:00</updated><title type='text'>Social Theory</title><content type='html'>Social Theory offers an extensive selection of documents that explore the complexities and interpret the nature of social behavior and organization. Particular care has been taken to index this material so that it can be searched more thoroughly than ever before. The current release features more than 122,000 pages of content by such major theorists as Theodor Adorno, Jean Baudrillard, Simone de Beauvoir, Howard Becker, Émile Durkheim, Michel Foucault,  Jürgen Habermas, Robert Merton, Dorothy Smith, and Talcott Parsons. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Lewis Coser (27 November 1913–8 July 2003) was an American sociologist.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Born in Berlin (Ludwig Cohen), Coser was the first sociologist to try to bring together structural functionalism and conflict theory; his work was focused on finding the functions of social conflict. Coser argued - with Georg Simmel - that conflict might serve to solidify a loosely structured group. In a society that seems to be disintegrating, conflict with another society, inter-group conflict, may restore the integrative core. For example, the cohesiveness of Israeli Jews might be attributed to the long-standing conflict with the Arabs. Conflict with one group may also serve to produce cohesion by leading to a series of alliances with other groups.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Conflicts within a society, intra-group conflict, can bring some ordinarily isolated individuals into an active role. The protest over the Vietnam War motivated many young people to take vigorous roles in American political life for the first time.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Conflicts also serve a communication function. Prior to conflict, groups may be unsure of their adversary’s position, but as a result of conflict, positions and boundaries between groups often become clarified, leaving individuals better able to decide on a proper course of action in relation to their adversary.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Much like status consistency, conflicts along the same cleavages intensify the severity of the conflict. Cross-cutting cleavages tend to dissipate the severity of the conflict. For example, the coincidence of economic and political disenfranchisement among Palestinians in the West Bank intensify their conflict with Israeli Jews. In contrast, the non-coincidence of economic and political disenfranchisement among Quebecers reduces somewhat the severity of their conflict with English Canada, especially with the rising prosperity of the French Canadian new middle class operating in the public sector and corporate world.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Coser first taught at the University of Chicago and the University of California. He then founded the sociology department at Brandeis University and taught there for 15 years before joining the sociology department of the State University of New York at Stony Brook. [1]&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;In addition to writing many articles and book chapters, Coser wrote or edited two dozen books, including&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The Functions of Social Conflict, 1956 &lt;br /&gt;The American Communist Party (with Irving Howe),1957. &lt;br /&gt;Sociological Theory, 1964 &lt;br /&gt;Men of ideas, 1965 &lt;br /&gt;Political Sociology, 1967 &lt;br /&gt;Continuities in the Study of Social Conflict, 1967 &lt;br /&gt;A Handful of Thistles: Collected Papers in Moral Conviction, 1968. &lt;br /&gt;Sociological Theory (with Bernard Rosenberg), 1969. &lt;br /&gt;Masters of Sociological Thought, 1970 &lt;br /&gt;Thew Seventies: Problems and Proposals (with Irving Howe), 1972. &lt;br /&gt;Greedy Institutions, 1974 &lt;br /&gt;The Idea of Social Structure, Papers in Honor of R. K. Merton, 1975 &lt;br /&gt;The Uses of Controversy in Sociology, 1976 &lt;br /&gt;Refugee Scholars in America, 1984 &lt;br /&gt;Conflict and Consensus, 1984 &lt;br /&gt;Voices of Dissent (with Maurice Halbwachs), 1992. &lt;br /&gt;The New Conservatives: A Critique from the Left (with Irving Howe), 1999 &lt;br /&gt;In 1954, with Irving Howe, Coser established the radical journal, Dissent. Upon his death in 2003, the author of his obituary in that magazine suggested that Coser "always felt himself a marginal man. He was Jewish and non-Jewish; an American and a European; a hardheaded social analyst, committed to rigorous honesty in judgment and deed, and a passionate advocate; a leftist and a critic of the left; a defender of the underdog and something of an elete intellectual mandarin."&lt;div class="blogger-post-footer"&gt;&lt;img width='1' height='1' src='https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/tracker/8328808403424165981-5690572614785981792?l=fixcentenario.blogspot.com' alt='' /&gt;&lt;/div&gt;</content><link rel='replies' type='application/atom+xml' href='http://fixcentenario.blogspot.com/feeds/5690572614785981792/comments/default' title='Post Comments'/><link rel='replies' type='text/html' href='http://www.blogger.com/comment.g?blogID=8328808403424165981&amp;postID=5690572614785981792' title='0 Comments'/><link rel='edit' type='application/atom+xml' href='http://www.blogger.com/feeds/8328808403424165981/posts/default/5690572614785981792'/><link rel='self' type='application/atom+xml' href='http://www.blogger.com/feeds/8328808403424165981/posts/default/5690572614785981792'/><link rel='alternate' type='text/html' href='http://fixcentenario.blogspot.com/2009/06/social-theory_2995.html' title='Social Theory'/><author><name>education</name><uri>http://www.blogger.com/profile/12343022453805740638</uri><email>noreply@blogger.com</email><gd:image rel='http://schemas.google.com/g/2005#thumbnail' width='16' height='16' src='http://img2.blogblog.com/img/b16-rounded.gif'/></author><thr:total>0</thr:total></entry><entry><id>tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8328808403424165981.post-1161087034464269414</id><published>2009-06-21T19:15:00.000-07:00</published><updated>2009-06-21T19:18:03.127-07:00</updated><title type='text'>Wittgenstein</title><content type='html'>Philosophical Investigations&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Philosophical Investigations (Philosophische Untersuchungen) is, along with the Tractatus Logico-Philosophicus, one of the two most influential works by the 20th-century philosopher Ludwig Wittgenstein. In it, Wittgenstein discusses numerous problems and puzzles in the fields of semantics, logic, philosophy of mathematics, and the philosophy of mind. He puts forth the view that conceptual confusions surrounding language use are at the root of most philosophical problems, contradicting or discarding much of that which was argued in his earlier work, the Tractatus Logico-Philosophicus. Within the Anglo-American tradition, the book is considered by many one of the most important philosophical works of the 20th century, and it continues to influence contemporary philosophers, especially those studying mind and language.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Philosophical Investigations (Philosophische Untersuchungen) is, along with the Tractatus Logico-Philosophicus, one of the two most influential works by the 20th-century philosopher Ludwig Wittgenstein. In it, Wittgenstein discusses numerous problems and puzzles in the fields of semantics, logic, philosophy of mathematics, and the philosophy of mind. He puts forth the view that conceptual confusions surrounding language use are at the root of most philosophical problems, contradicting or discarding much of that which was argued in his earlier work, the Tractatus Logico-Philosophicus. Within the Anglo-American tradition, the book is considered by many one of the most important philosophical works of the 20th century, and it continues to influence contemporary philosophers, especially those studying mind and language.&lt;div class="blogger-post-footer"&gt;&lt;img width='1' height='1' src='https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/tracker/8328808403424165981-1161087034464269414?l=fixcentenario.blogspot.com' alt='' /&gt;&lt;/div&gt;</content><link rel='replies' type='application/atom+xml' href='http://fixcentenario.blogspot.com/feeds/1161087034464269414/comments/default' title='Post Comments'/><link rel='replies' type='text/html' href='http://www.blogger.com/comment.g?blogID=8328808403424165981&amp;postID=1161087034464269414' title='0 Comments'/><link rel='edit' type='application/atom+xml' href='http://www.blogger.com/feeds/8328808403424165981/posts/default/1161087034464269414'/><link rel='self' type='application/atom+xml' href='http://www.blogger.com/feeds/8328808403424165981/posts/default/1161087034464269414'/><link rel='alternate' type='text/html' href='http://fixcentenario.blogspot.com/2009/06/wittgenstein_8684.html' title='Wittgenstein'/><author><name>education</name><uri>http://www.blogger.com/profile/12343022453805740638</uri><email>noreply@blogger.com</email><gd:image rel='http://schemas.google.com/g/2005#thumbnail' width='16' height='16' src='http://img2.blogblog.com/img/b16-rounded.gif'/></author><thr:total>0</thr:total></entry><entry><id>tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8328808403424165981.post-8240578318055636417</id><published>2009-06-21T19:10:00.002-07:00</published><updated>2009-06-21T19:13:58.548-07:00</updated><title type='text'>Urban Social Processes</title><content type='html'>COLONIAL URBAN DEVELOPMENT : CULTURE, SOCIAL POWER AND ENVIRONMENT : &lt;br /&gt;The Study focuses on the social and, more especially, the cultural processes governing colonial urban development and develops a theory and methodology to do this.&lt;br /&gt;The author demonstrates how the physical and spatial arrangements characterizing urban development are unique products of a particular society, to be understood only in terms of its values, behaviour and institutions and the distribution of social and political power within it. Nowhere is this more apparent than in 'colonial cities' of Asia and Africa where the environmental assumptions of a dominant, industrializing Western power were introduced to largely 'pre-industrial' societies. Anthony King draws his material primarily from these areas, and includes a case study of the development of colonial Delhi from the early nineteenth century to 1947. Yet, as the author explains, the problems of how cultural social and political factors influence the nature of environments and how these in turn affect social processes and behaviour, are of global significance.&lt;br /&gt;This book was first published in 1976.&lt;div class="blogger-post-footer"&gt;&lt;img width='1' height='1' src='https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/tracker/8328808403424165981-8240578318055636417?l=fixcentenario.blogspot.com' alt='' /&gt;&lt;/div&gt;</content><link rel='replies' type='application/atom+xml' href='http://fixcentenario.blogspot.com/feeds/8240578318055636417/comments/default' title='Post Comments'/><link rel='replies' type='text/html' href='http://www.blogger.com/comment.g?blogID=8328808403424165981&amp;postID=8240578318055636417' title='0 Comments'/><link rel='edit' type='application/atom+xml' href='http://www.blogger.com/feeds/8328808403424165981/posts/default/8240578318055636417'/><link rel='self' type='application/atom+xml' href='http://www.blogger.com/feeds/8328808403424165981/posts/default/8240578318055636417'/><link rel='alternate' type='text/html' href='http://fixcentenario.blogspot.com/2009/06/urban-social-processes_781.html' title='Urban Social Processes'/><author><name>education</name><uri>http://www.blogger.com/profile/12343022453805740638</uri><email>noreply@blogger.com</email><gd:image rel='http://schemas.google.com/g/2005#thumbnail' width='16' height='16' src='http://img2.blogblog.com/img/b16-rounded.gif'/></author><thr:total>0</thr:total></entry><entry><id>tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8328808403424165981.post-248393710877229067</id><published>2009-06-21T19:10:00.001-07:00</published><updated>2009-06-21T19:10:38.956-07:00</updated><title type='text'>Social Theory</title><content type='html'>Language and construction&lt;br /&gt;The two points at which there is the greatest overlap or mutual impingement of the two versions of critical theory are in their interrelated foci on language, symbolism, and communication and in their focus on construction.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;[edit] Language and communication&lt;br /&gt;From the 1960s and 1970s onward, language, symbolism, text, and meaning became foundational to theory in the humanities and social sciences, through the short-term and long-term influences of Ludwig Wittgenstein, Ferdinand de Saussure, George Herbert Mead, Noam Chomsky, Hans-Georg Gadamer, Roland Barthes, Jacques Derrida and other thinkers in the traditions of linguistic and analytic philosophy, structural linguistics, symbolic interactionism, hermeneutics, semiology, linguistically oriented psychoanalysis (Jacques Lacan, Alfred Lorenzer), and deconstruction. When, in the 1970s and 1980s, Jürgen Habermas also redefined critical social theory as a theory of communication, i.e. communicative competence and communicative rationality on the one hand, distorted communication on the other, the two versions of critical theory began to overlap or intertwine to a much greater degree than before.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;[edit] Construction&lt;br /&gt;Both versions of critical theory have focused on the processes of synthesis, production, or construction by which the phenomena and objects of human communication, culture, and political consciousness come about. Whether it is through the transformational rules by which the deep structure of language becomes its surface structure (Chomsky), the universal pragmatic principles through which mutual understanding is generated (Habermas), the semiotic rules by which objects of daily usage or of fashion obtain their meanings (Barthes), the psychological processes by which the phenomena of everyday consciousness are generated (psychoanalytic thinkers), the episteme that underlies our cognitive formations (Foucault), and so on, there is a common interest in the processes (often of a linguistic or symbolic kind) that give rise to observable phenomena. Here there is significant mutual influence among aspects of the different versions of critical theory. Ultimately this emphasis on production and construction goes back to the revolution wrought by Kant in philosophy, namely his focus in the Critique of Pure Reason on synthesis according to rules as the fundamental activity of the mind that creates the order of our experience.&lt;div class="blogger-post-footer"&gt;&lt;img width='1' height='1' src='https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/tracker/8328808403424165981-248393710877229067?l=fixcentenario.blogspot.com' alt='' /&gt;&lt;/div&gt;</content><link rel='replies' type='application/atom+xml' href='http://fixcentenario.blogspot.com/feeds/248393710877229067/comments/default' title='Post Comments'/><link rel='replies' type='text/html' href='http://www.blogger.com/comment.g?blogID=8328808403424165981&amp;postID=248393710877229067' title='0 Comments'/><link rel='edit' type='application/atom+xml' href='http://www.blogger.com/feeds/8328808403424165981/posts/default/248393710877229067'/><link rel='self' type='application/atom+xml' href='http://www.blogger.com/feeds/8328808403424165981/posts/default/248393710877229067'/><link rel='alternate' type='text/html' href='http://fixcentenario.blogspot.com/2009/06/social-theory_1435.html' title='Social Theory'/><author><name>education</name><uri>http://www.blogger.com/profile/12343022453805740638</uri><email>noreply@blogger.com</email><gd:image rel='http://schemas.google.com/g/2005#thumbnail' width='16' height='16' src='http://img2.blogblog.com/img/b16-rounded.gif'/></author><thr:total>0</thr:total></entry><entry><id>tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8328808403424165981.post-3356699836337345191</id><published>2009-06-21T19:09:00.001-07:00</published><updated>2009-06-21T19:09:56.772-07:00</updated><title type='text'>Social Theory</title><content type='html'>Two primary definitions&lt;br /&gt;There are two meanings of critical theory which derive from two different intellectual traditions associated with the meaning of criticism and critique. Both derive ultimately from the Greek word kritikos meaning judgment or discernment, and in their present forms go back to the 18th century. While they can be considered completely independent intellectual pursuits, increasingly scholars are interested in the areas of critique where the two overlap.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;To use an epistemological distinction introduced by Jürgen Habermas in 1968 in his Erkenntnis und Interesse (Knowledge and Human Interests), critical theory in literary studies is ultimately a form of hermeneutics, i.e. knowledge via interpretation to understand the meaning of human texts and symbolic expressions. Critical social theory is, in contrast, a form of self-reflective knowledge involving both understanding and theoretical explanation to reduce entrapment in systems of domination or dependence, obeying the emancipatory interest in expanding the scope of autonomy and reducing the scope of domination. From this perspective, much literary critical theory, since it is focused on interpretation and explanation rather than on social transformation, would be regarded as positivistic or traditional rather than critical theory in the Kantian or Marxian sense. Critical theory in literature and the humanities in general does not necessarily involve a normative dimension, whereas critical social theory does, either through criticizing society from some general theory of values, norms, or oughts, or through criticizing it in terms of its own espoused values.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;[edit] In social theory&lt;br /&gt;Main article: Frankfurt School&lt;br /&gt;The initial meaning of the term critical theory was that defined by Max Horkheimer of the Frankfurt School of social science in his 1937 essay Traditional and Critical Theory: Critical theory is a social theory oriented toward critiquing and changing society as a whole, in contrast to traditional theory oriented only to understanding or explaining it. Horkheimer wanted to distinguish critical theory as a radical, emancipatory form of Marxian theory, critiquing both the model of science put forward by logical positivism and what he and his colleagues saw as the covert positivism and authoritarianism of orthodox Marxism and communism. Core concepts are: (1) That critical social theory should be directed at the totality of society in its historical specificity (i.e. how it came to be configured at a specific point in time), and (2) That Critical Theory should improve understanding of society by integrating all the major social sciences, including geography, economics, sociology, history, political science, anthropology, and psychology. Although this conception of critical theory originated with the Frankfurt School, it also prevails among other recent social scientists, such as Pierre Bourdieu, Louis Althusser and arguably Michel Foucault, as well as certain feminist theorists and social scientists.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The Praxis school was a Marxist humanist philosophical movement. It originated in Zagreb and Belgrade in the SFR Yugoslavia, during the 1960s that in many ways closely linked to Frankfurt School and Critical theory. Prominent figures among the school's founders include Gajo Petrović and Milan Kangrga of Zagreb and Mihailo Marković of Belgrade. From 1964 to 1974 they published the Marxist journal Praxis, which was renowned as one of the leading international journals in Marxist theory.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;This version of "critical" theory derives from Kant's (18th-century) and Marx's (19th Century) use of the term "critique", as in Kant's Critique of Pure Reason and Marx's concept that his work Das Kapital (Capital) forms a "critique of political economy". For Kant's transcendental idealism, "critique" means examining and establishing the limits of the validity of a faculty, type, or body of knowledge, especially through accounting for the limitations imposed by the fundamental, irreducible concepts in use in that knowledge system. Early on, Kant's notion associated critique with the disestablishment of false, unprovable, or dogmatic philosophical, social, and political beliefs, because Kant's critique of reason involved the critique of dogmatic theological and metaphysical ideas and was intertwined with the enhancement of ethical autonomy and the Enlightenment critique of superstition and irrational authority. Marx explicitly developed this notion into the critique of ideology and linked it with the practice of social revolution, as in the famous 11th of his "Theses on Feuerbach," "Philosophers have only interpreted the world in certain ways; the point is to change it".[1]&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;In the 1960s, Jürgen Habermas raised the epistemological discussion to a new level in his Knowledge and Human Interests, by identifying critical knowledge as based on principles that differentiated it either from the natural sciences or the humanities, through its orientation to self-reflection and emancipation.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The term critical theory, in the sociological or philosophical and non-literary sense, now loosely groups all sorts of work, including that of the Frankfurt School, Michel Foucault, Pierre Bourdieu, disability studies and feminist theory, that has in common the critique of domination, an emancipatory interest, and the fusion of social/cultural analysis, explanation, and interpretation with social/cultural critique.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;[edit] Postmodern critical theory&lt;br /&gt;While modernist critical theory (as described above) concerns itself with “forms of authority and injustice that accompanied the evolution of industrial and corporate capitalism as a political-economic system,” postmodern critical theory politicizes social problems “by situating them in historical and cultural contexts, to implicate themselves in the process of collecting and analyzing data, and to relativize their findings” (Lindlof &amp; Taylor, 2002, p. 52). Meaning itself is seen as unstable due to the rapid transformation in social structures and as a result the focus of research is centered on local manifestations rather than broad generalizations.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Postmodern critical research is also characterized by what is called, the crisis of representation, which rejects the idea that a researcher’s work is considered an “objective depiction of a stable other” (Lindlof &amp; Taylor, 2002, p. 53). Instead, in their research and writing, many postmodern scholars have adopted “alternatives that encourage reflection about the ‘politics and poetics’ of their work. In these accounts, the embodied, collaborative, dialogic, and improvisational aspects of qualitative research are clarified” (Lindlof &amp; Taylor, 2002, p. 53). For an example of postmodern critical work, see Rolling’s (2008) piece, entitled Secular Blasphemy: Utter(ed) Transgressions Against Names and Fathers in the Postmodern Era.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;[edit] Critical ethnography&lt;br /&gt;Main article: Critical Ethnography&lt;br /&gt;Critical ethnography is "a type of reflection that examines culture, knowledge, and action...Critical ethnographers describe, analyze, and open to scrutiny otherwise hidden agendas, power centers, and assumptions that inhibit, repress, and constrain" (Thomas, 1993, pp. 2–3). While "conventional ethnography" "describes what is", critical ethnography "asks what could be"….Conventional ethnographers study culture for the purposes of describing it; critical ethnographers do so to change it" (Thomas, 1993, p. 4).&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;[edit] In literary criticism&lt;br /&gt;Main article: Literary theory&lt;br /&gt;The second meaning of critical theory is that of theory used in literary criticism ("critical theory") and in the analysis and understanding of literature. This is discussed in greater detail under literary theory. This form of critical theory is not necessarily oriented toward radical social change or even toward the analysis of society, but instead specializes on the analysis of texts. It originated among literary scholars and in the discipline of literature in the 1960s and 1970s, and has really only come into broad use since the 1980s, especially as theory used in literary studies has increasingly been influenced by European philosophy and social theory.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;This version of "critical" theory derives from the notion of literary criticism as establishing and enhancing the understanding and evaluation of literature in the search for truth. Some consider literary theory merely an aesthetic concern, as articulated, for example, in Joseph Addison's notion of a critic as one who helps understand and interpret literary works: "A true critic ought to dwell rather upon excellencies than imperfections, to discover the concealed beauties of a writer, and communicate to the world such things as are worth their observation."[2] This notion of criticism ultimately goes back to Aristotle's Poetics as a theory of literature.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;This meaning of "critical theory" originated entirely within the humanities. There are works of literary critical theory that show no awareness of the sociological version of critical theory.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;[edit] Overlap between the two versions of critical theory&lt;br /&gt;Nevertheless, a certain amount of overlap has come about, initiated both from the critical social theory and the literary-critical theory sides. It was distinctive of the Frankfurt School's version of critical theory from the beginning, especially in the work of Max Horkheimer, Theodor Adorno, Walter Benjamin, Herbert Marcuse, and Leo Lowenthal, because of their focus on the role of false consciousness and ideology in the perpetuation of capitalism, to analyze works of culture, including literature, music, art, both "high culture" and "popular culture" or "mass culture." Thus it was to some extent a theory of literature and a method of literary criticism (as in Walter Benjamin's interpretation of Baudelaire and Kafka, Leo Lowenthal's interpretations of Shakespeare, Ibsen, etc., Adorno's interpretations of Kafka, Valery, Balzac, Beckett, etc.) and (see below) in the 1960s started to influence the literary sort of critical theory.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;[edit] Within social theory&lt;br /&gt;In the late 1960s Jürgen Habermas of the Frankfurt School, redefined critical theory in a way that freed it from a direct tie to Marxism or the prior work of the Frankfurt School. In Habermas' epistemology, critical knowledge was conceptualized as knowledge that enabled human beings to emancipate themselves from forms of domination through self-reflection and took psychoanalysis as the paradigm of critical knowledge. This expanded considerably the scope of what counted as critical theory within the social sciences, which would include such approaches as world systems theory, feminist theory, postcolonial theory, critical legal theory, critical race theory, performance studies, transversal poetics, queer theory, social ecology, the theory of communicative action (Jürgen Habermas), structuration theory, psychoanalysis and neo-Marxian theory.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;[edit] Within literary theory&lt;br /&gt;From the literary side, starting in the 1960s literary scholars, reacting especially against the New Criticism of the previous decades, which tried to analyze literary texts purely internally, began to incorporate into their analyses and interpretations of literary works initially semiotic, linguistic, and interpretive theory, then structuralism, Lacanian psychoanalysis, post-structuralism, and deconstruction as well as Continental philosophy, especially phenomenology and hermeneutics, and critical social theory and various other forms of neo-Marxian theory. Thus literary criticism became highly theoretical and some of those practicing it began referring to the theoretical dimension of their work as "critical theory", i.e. philosophically inspired theory of literary criticism. And thus incidentally critical theory in the sociological sense also became, especially among literary scholars of left-wing sympathies, one of a number of influences upon and streams within critical theory in the literary sense.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Furthermore, along with the expansion of the mass media and mass/popular culture in the 1960s and 1970s and the blending of social and cultural criticism and literary criticism, the methods of both kinds of critical theory sometimes intertwined in the analysis of phenomena of popular culture, as in the emerging field of cultural studies, in which concepts deriving from Marxian theory, post-structuralism, semiology, psychoanalysis and feminist theory would be found in the same interpretive work. Both strands were often present in the various modalities of postmodern theory.&lt;div class="blogger-post-footer"&gt;&lt;img width='1' height='1' src='https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/tracker/8328808403424165981-3356699836337345191?l=fixcentenario.blogspot.com' alt='' /&gt;&lt;/div&gt;</content><link rel='replies' type='application/atom+xml' href='http://fixcentenario.blogspot.com/feeds/3356699836337345191/comments/default' title='Post Comments'/><link rel='replies' type='text/html' href='http://www.blogger.com/comment.g?blogID=8328808403424165981&amp;postID=3356699836337345191' title='0 Comments'/><link rel='edit' type='application/atom+xml' href='http://www.blogger.com/feeds/8328808403424165981/posts/default/3356699836337345191'/><link rel='self' type='application/atom+xml' href='http://www.blogger.com/feeds/8328808403424165981/posts/default/3356699836337345191'/><link rel='alternate' type='text/html' href='http://fixcentenario.blogspot.com/2009/06/social-theory_738.html' title='Social Theory'/><author><name>education</name><uri>http://www.blogger.com/profile/12343022453805740638</uri><email>noreply@blogger.com</email><gd:image rel='http://schemas.google.com/g/2005#thumbnail' width='16' height='16' src='http://img2.blogblog.com/img/b16-rounded.gif'/></author><thr:total>0</thr:total></entry><entry><id>tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8328808403424165981.post-5889643530345444670</id><published>2009-06-21T19:08:00.000-07:00</published><updated>2009-06-21T19:09:06.308-07:00</updated><title type='text'>Social Theory</title><content type='html'>CRITICAL THEORY&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;In the humanities and social sciences, critical theory is the examination and critique of society and literature, drawing from knowledge across social sciences and humanities disciplines. The term has two quite different meanings with different origins and histories, one originating in social theory and the other in literary criticism. Though until recently these two meanings had little to do with each other, since the 1970s there has been some overlap between these disciplines. This has led to "critical theory" becoming an umbrella term for an array of theories in English-speaking academia. This article focuses primarily on the differences and similarities between the two senses of the term critical theory.&lt;div class="blogger-post-footer"&gt;&lt;img width='1' height='1' src='https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/tracker/8328808403424165981-5889643530345444670?l=fixcentenario.blogspot.com' alt='' /&gt;&lt;/div&gt;</content><link rel='replies' type='application/atom+xml' href='http://fixcentenario.blogspot.com/feeds/5889643530345444670/comments/default' title='Post Comments'/><link rel='replies' type='text/html' href='http://www.blogger.com/comment.g?blogID=8328808403424165981&amp;postID=5889643530345444670' title='0 Comments'/><link rel='edit' type='application/atom+xml' href='http://www.blogger.com/feeds/8328808403424165981/posts/default/5889643530345444670'/><link rel='self' type='application/atom+xml' href='http://www.blogger.com/feeds/8328808403424165981/posts/default/5889643530345444670'/><link rel='alternate' type='text/html' href='http://fixcentenario.blogspot.com/2009/06/social-theory_8063.html' title='Social Theory'/><author><name>education</name><uri>http://www.blogger.com/profile/12343022453805740638</uri><email>noreply@blogger.com</email><gd:image rel='http://schemas.google.com/g/2005#thumbnail' width='16' height='16' src='http://img2.blogblog.com/img/b16-rounded.gif'/></author><thr:total>0</thr:total></entry><entry><id>tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8328808403424165981.post-7204161655665532789</id><published>2009-06-21T19:06:00.000-07:00</published><updated>2009-06-21T19:07:59.315-07:00</updated><title type='text'>Social Theory</title><content type='html'>Theory Construction&lt;br /&gt;Almost all good research is guided by theory. Selecting or creating appropriate theory for use in examining an issue is thus an important skill for any researcher. Important distinctions: a theoretical orientation (or paradigm) is a worldview, the lens through which one organizes experience (i.e. thinking of human interaction in terms of power or exchange); a theory is an attempt to explain and predict behavior in particular contexts. A theoretical orientation cannot be proven or disproven; a theory can. Having a theoretical orientation that sees the world in terms of power and control, I could create a theory about violent human behavior which includes specific causal statements (e.g. being the victim of physical abuse leads to psychological problems). This could lead to an hypothesis (prediction) about what I expect to see in a particular sample, e.g. “a battered child will grow up to be shy or violent.” I can then test my hypothesis by looking to see if it is consistent with data in the real world. I might, for instance, review hospital records to find children who were abused, then track them down and administer a personality test to see if they show signs of being violent or shy. The selection of an appropriate (i.e. useful) theoretical orientation within which to develop a potentially helpful theory is the bedrock of social science.&lt;div class="blogger-post-footer"&gt;&lt;img width='1' height='1' src='https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/tracker/8328808403424165981-7204161655665532789?l=fixcentenario.blogspot.com' alt='' /&gt;&lt;/div&gt;</content><link rel='replies' type='application/atom+xml' href='http://fixcentenario.blogspot.com/feeds/7204161655665532789/comments/default' title='Post Comments'/><link rel='replies' type='text/html' href='http://www.blogger.com/comment.g?blogID=8328808403424165981&amp;postID=7204161655665532789' title='0 Comments'/><link rel='edit' type='application/atom+xml' href='http://www.blogger.com/feeds/8328808403424165981/posts/default/7204161655665532789'/><link rel='self' type='application/atom+xml' href='http://www.blogger.com/feeds/8328808403424165981/posts/default/7204161655665532789'/><link rel='alternate' type='text/html' href='http://fixcentenario.blogspot.com/2009/06/social-theory_8641.html' title='Social Theory'/><author><name>education</name><uri>http://www.blogger.com/profile/12343022453805740638</uri><email>noreply@blogger.com</email><gd:image rel='http://schemas.google.com/g/2005#thumbnail' width='16' height='16' src='http://img2.blogblog.com/img/b16-rounded.gif'/></author><thr:total>0</thr:total></entry><entry><id>tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8328808403424165981.post-6759539060128152856</id><published>2009-06-21T19:05:00.000-07:00</published><updated>2009-06-21T19:06:33.610-07:00</updated><title type='text'>Wittgenstein</title><content type='html'>The Later Wittgenstein&lt;br /&gt;3.1 Transition and Critique of Tractatus&lt;br /&gt;The idea that philosophy is not a doctrine, and hence should not be approached dogmatically, is one of the most important insights of the Tractatus. Yet, as early as 1931, Wittgenstein referred to his own early work as dogmatic. Wittgenstein used this term to designate any conception which allows for a gap between question and answer, such that the answer to the question could be found at a later date. The complex edifice of the Tractatus is built on the assumption that the task of logical analysis was to discover the elementary propositions, whose form was not yet known. What marks the transition from early to later Wittgenstein can be summed up as the total rejection of dogmatism, i.e., as the working out of all the consequences of this rejection. The move from the realm of logic to that of ordinary language as the center of the philosopher's attention; from an emphasis on definition and analysis to ‘family resemblance’ and ‘language-games’; and from systematic philosophical writing to an aphoristic style — all have to do with this transition towards anti-dogmatism in its extreme. It is in the Philosophical Investigations that the working out of the transitions comes to culmination. Other writings of the same period, though, manifest the same anti-dogmatic stance, as it is applied, e.g., to the philosophy of mathematics or to philosophical psychology.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;3.2 Philosophical Investigations&lt;br /&gt;Philosophical Investigations was published posthumously in 1953. It comprises two parts. Part I, consisting of 693 numbered paragraphs, was ready for printing in 1946, but rescinded from the publisher by Wittgenstein. Part II was added on by the editors, trustees of his Nachlass. &lt;br /&gt;In the Preface to PI, Wittgenstein states that his new thoughts would be better understood by contrast with and against the background of his old thoughts, those in the Tractatus; and indeed, most of Part I of PI is essentially critical. Its new insights can be understood as primarily exposing fallacies in the traditional way of thinking about language, truth, thought, intentionality, and, perhaps mainly, philosophy. In this sense, it is conceived of as a therapeutical work, conceiving of philosophy itself as it should be — as therapy. Part II, focusing on philosophical psychology, perception etc., is not as critical. Rather, it points to new perspectives (which, undoubtedly, are not disconnected from the earlier critique) in addressing specific philosophical issues. It is, therefore, more easily read alongside Wittgenstein's other writings of the later period.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;PI begins with a quote from Augustine's Confessions which "give us a particular picture of the essence of human language," based on the idea that "individual words in language name objects," and that "sentences are combinations of such names" (PI 1). This picture of language cannot be relied on as a basis for metaphysical, epistemic or linguistic speculation. Despite its plausibility, this reduction of language to representation cannot do justice to the whole of human language; and even if it is to be considered a picture of only the representative function of human language, it is, as such, a poor picture. Furthermore, this picture of language is at the base of the whole of traditional philosophy, but, for Wittgenstein, it is to be shunned in favor of a new way of looking at both language and philosophy. The Philosophical Investigations proceeds to offer the new way of looking at language, which will yield the view of philosophy as therapy.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;3.3 Meaning as Use&lt;br /&gt;"For a large class of cases — though not for all — in which we employ the word ‘meaning’ it can be defined thus: the meaning of a word is its use in the language" (PI 43). This basic statement is what underlies the change of perspective most typical of the later phase of Wittgenstein's thought: a change from a conception of meaning as representation to a view which looks to use as the hinge of the investigation. Traditional theories of meaning in the history of philosophy were intent on pointing to something exterior to the proposition which endows it with sense. This "something" could generally be located either in an objective space, or inside the mind as mental representation. As early as 1933 (The Blue Book) Wittgenstein took pains to challenge these dogmas, arriving at the insight that "if we had to name anything which is the life of the sign, we should have to say that it was its use" (BB 4). Ascertainment of the use (of a word, of a proposition), however, is not given to any sort of constructive theory building, as in the Tractatus. Rather, when investigating meaning, the philosopher must "look and see" the variety of uses to which the word is put. So different is this new perspective that Wittgenstein repeats: "Don't think but look!" (PI 66); and such looking is done vis a vis particular cases, not thoughtful generalizations. In giving the meaning of a word, any explanatory generalization should be replaced by a description of use. The traditional idea that a proposition houses a content and has a restricted number of Fregean forces (such as assertion, question and command), gives way to an emphasis on the diversity of uses.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;3.4 Language-games and Family Resemblance&lt;br /&gt;In order to address the countless multiplicity of uses, their un- fixedness, and their being "part of an activity", Wittgenstein introduces the key concept of ‘language-game’. He never explicitly defines it since, as opposed to the earlier ‘picture’, for instance, this new concept is made to do work for a more fluid, more diversified, and more activity-oriented perspective on language.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Throughout the Philosophical Investigations, Wittgenstein returns, again and again, to the concept of language-games to make clear his lines of thought concerning language. Primitive language-games are scrutinized for the insights they afford on this or that characteristic of language. Thus, the builders' language-game (PI 2), in which a builder and his assistant use exactly four terms (block, pillar, slab, beam), is utilized to illustrate that part of the Augustinian picture of language which might be correct but which is, nevertheless, strictly limited. "Regular" language-games, such as the astonishing list provided in PI 23 (which includes, e.g., reporting an event, speculating about an event, forming and testing a hypothesis, making up a story, reading it, play- acting, singing catches, guessing riddles, making a joke, translating, asking, thanking, and so on), bring out the openness of our possibilities in using language and in describing it.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Some properties of language-games can be noticed in Wittgenstein's several examples and comments. They are, first, a part of a broader context termed by Wittgenstein a form of life (see below). Secondly, the concept of language-games points at the rule-governed character of language. This does not entail strict and definite systems of rules for each and every language-game, but points to the conventional nature of this sort of human activity. Finally, Wittgenstein's choice of ‘game’ is based on the over-all analogy between language and game, assuming that we have a clearer perception of what games are. Still, just as we cannot give a final, essential definition of ‘game’, so we cannot find "what is common to all these activities and what makes them into language or parts of language" (PI 65).&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;It is here that Wittgenstein's rejection of general explanations, and definitions based on sufficient and necessary conditions, is best pronounced. Instead of these symptoms of the philosopher's "craving for generality", he points to ‘family resemblance’ as the more suitable analogy for the means of connecting particular uses of the same word. There is no reason to look, as we have done traditionally — and dogmatically — for one, essential core in which the meaning of a word is located and which is, therefore, common to all uses of that word. We should, instead, travel with the word's uses through "a complicated network of similarities, overlapping and criss-crossing" (PI 66). Family resemblance also serves to exhibit the lack of boundaries and the distance from exactness that characterize different uses of the same concept. Such boundaries and exactness are the definitive traits of form — be it Platonic form, Aristotelian form, or the general form of a proposition adumbrated in the Tractatus. It is from such forms that applications of concepts can be deduced, but this is precisely what Wittgenstein now eschews in favor of appeal to similarity of a kind with family resemblance.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;3.5 Rule-following&lt;br /&gt;One of the issues most associated with the later Wittgenstein is that of rule-following. Rising out of the considerations above, it becomes another central point of discussion in the question of what it is that can apply to all the uses of a word. The same dogmatic stance as before has it that a rule is an abstract entity — transcending all of its particular applications; knowing the rule involves grasping that abstract entity and thereby knowing how to use it. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Wittgenstein begins his exposition by introducing an example: "… we get [a] pupil to continue a series (say + 2) beyond 1000 — and he writes 1000, 1004, 1008, 1012 (PI 185)". What do we do, and what does it mean, when the student, upon being corrected, answers "But I went on in the same way"? Wittgenstein proceeds (mainly in PI 185-243, but also elsewhere) to dismantle the cluster of attendant questions: How do we learn rules? How do we follow them? Wherefrom the standards which decide if a rule is followed correctly? Are they in the mind, along with a mental representation of the rule? Do we appeal to intuition in their application? Are they socially and publicly taught and enforced? In typical Wittgensteinian fashion, the answers are not pursued positively; rather, the very formulation of the questions as legitimate questions with coherent content is put to the test. For indeed, it is both the Platonistic and mentalistic pictures which underlie asking questions of this type, and Wittgenstein is intent on freeing us from their bewitchment. Such liberation involves elimination of the need to posit any sort of external or internal authority beyond the actual applications of the rule.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;These considerations lead to PI 201, often considered the climax of the issue: "This was our paradox: no course of action could be determined by a rule, because every course of action can be made out to accord with the rule. The answer was: if everything can be made out to accord with the rule, then it can also be made out to conflict with it. And so there would be neither accord nor conflict." Wittgenstein's formulation of the problem, now at the point of being a "paradox", has given rise to a wealth of interpretation and debate since it is clear to all that this is the crux of the general issue of meaning, and of understanding and using a language. One of the influential readings of the problem of following a rule has been the skeptical interpretation, according to which Wittgenstein is here voicing a skeptical paradox and offering a skeptical solution. This avenue of reading Wittgenstein commits one to a solution which, often enough, is a skeptical solution put in terms of "there is no fact of the matter" determining the right application of the rule. Whether this answer is indeed a skeptical one is also a point at issue. If it identifies the rule and its application, that is, if we proceed to explicate the way we, or the student, do follow the rule — for instance, by appealing to conventional social behavior — then such explication is not necessarily skeptical.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;3.6 Private Language, Grammar and Form of Life&lt;br /&gt;Three celebrated notions, which are closely related, ensue in the Wittgensteinian conversation: private language, form of life, and the notion of grammar. Directly following the rule-following sections in PI, and therefore easily thought to be the upshot of the discussion, are those sections called by interpreters "the private-language argument". Whether it be a veritable argument or not (and Wittgenstein never labeled it as such), these sections point out that for an utterance to be meaningful it must be possible in principle to subject it to public standards and criteria of correctness. For this reason, a private- language, in which "individual words … are to refer to what can only be known to the person speaking; to his immediate private sensations … " (PI 243), is not a genuine, meaningful, rule-governed language. The signs in language can only function when there is a possibility of judging the correctness of their use, "so the use of [a] word stands in need of a justification which everybody understands" (PI 261).&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Wittgenstein adopts the term ‘grammar’ in his quest to describe the workings of this public, socially governed language, using it in a somewhat idiosyncratic manner. Grammar, usually taken to consist of the rules of correct syntactic and semantic usage, becomes, in Wittgenstein's hands, the wider — and more elusive — network of rules which determine what linguistic move is allowed as making sense, and what isn't. This notion replaces the stricter and purer logic which played such an essential role in the Tractatus in providing a scaffolding for language and the world. Indeed, "Essence is expressed by grammar … Grammar tells what kind of object anything is. (Theology as grammar)" (PI 371, 373). The "rules" of grammar are not mere technical instructions from on-high for correct usage; rather, they express the norms for meaningful language. Contrary to empirical statements, rules of grammar describe how we use words in order to both justify and criticize our particular utterances. But as opposed to grammar-book rules, they are not idealized as an external system to be conformed to. Moreover, they are not appealed to explicitly in any formulation, but are used in cases of philosophical perplexity to clarify where language misleads us into false illusions. Thus, "I can know what someone else is thinking, not what I am thinking. It is correct to say ‘I know what you are thinking’, and wrong to say ‘I know what I am thinking.’ (A whole cloud of philosophy condensed into a drop of grammar.)" (PI, p.222).&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Grammar is not abstract, it is situated within the regular activity with which language-games are interwoven: " … the term ‘language-game’ is meant to bring into prominence the fact that the speaking of language is part of an activity, or of a form of life" (PI 23). What enables language to function and therefore must be accepted as "given" is precisely forms of life. In Wittgenstein's terms, agreement is required "not only in definitions but also (queer as this may sound) in judgments" (PI 242), and this is "not agreement in opinions but in form of life" (PI 241). Used by Wittgenstein sparingly — five times in the Investigations — this intriguing concept has given rise to interpretative quandaries and subsequent contradictory readings. Forms of life can be understood as changing and contingent, dependent on culture, context, history, etc; this appeal to forms of life grounds a relativistic reading of Wittgenstein. On the other hand, it is the form of life common to humankind, "the common behavior of mankind" which is "the system of reference by means of which we interpret an unknown language" (PI 206). This is clearly a universalistic turn, recognizing that the use of language is made possible by the human form of life. Lest this universalism be taken to an extreme, Wittgenstein reminds the reader that as philosophers " … we are not doing natural science, nor yet natural history" (PI p.230).&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;3.7 The Nature of Philosophy&lt;br /&gt;The later Wittgenstein holds, as he did in the Tractatus, that philosophers do not — or should not — supply a theory, neither do they provide explanations. "Philosophy simply puts everything before us, nor deduces anything. — Since everything lies open to view there is nothing to explain" (PI 126). The anti-theoretical stance is reminiscent of the early Wittgenstein, but there are manifest differences. Although the Tractatus precludes philosophical theories, it does construct a systematic edifice which results in the general form of the proposition, all the while relying on strict formal logic; the Investigations points out the therapeutic non-dogmatic nature of philosophy, verily instructing philosophers in the ways of therapy. "The work of the philosopher consists in assembling reminders for a particular purpose" (PI 127). Working with reminders and series of examples, different problems are solved. Unlike the Tractatus which advanced one philosophical method, in the Investigations "there is not a philosophical method, though there are indeed methods, like different therapies" (PI 133). This is directly related to Wittgenstein's eschewal of the logical form or of any a-priori generalization that can be discovered or made in philosophy. Trying to advance such general theses is a temptation which lures philosophers; but the real task of philosophy is both to make us aware of the temptation and to show us how to overcome it. Consequently "a philosophical problem has the form: ‘I don't know my way about.’" (PI 123), and hence the aim of philosophy is "to shew the fly out of the fly-bottle" (PI 309).&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The style of the Investigations is strikingly different from that of the Tractatus. Instead of strictly numbered sections which are organized hierarchically in programmatic order, the Investigations fragmentarily voices aphorisms about language-games, family resemblance, forms of life, "jumping from one topic to another" (PI Preface). This variation in style is of course essential and is "connected with the very nature of the investigation" (PI Preface). As a matter of fact, Wittgenstein was acutely aware of the contrast between the two stages of his thought, advising publication of both texts together in order to make the contrast obvious and clear.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Still, it is precisely via the subject of the nature of philosophy that the fundamental continuity between these two stages, rather than the discrepancy between them, is to be found. In both cases philosophy serves, first, as critique of language. It is through analyzing language's illusive power that the philosopher can expose the traps of meaningless philosophical formulations. This means that what was formerly thought of as a philosophical problem may now dissolve "and this simply means that the philosophical problems should completely disappear" (PI 133). Two implications of this diagnosis, easily traced back in the Tractatus, are to be recognized. One is the inherent dialogical character of philosophy, which is a responsive activity: difficulties and torments are encountered which are then to be dissipated by philosophical therapy. In the Tractatus, this took the shape of advice: "The correct method in philosophy would really be the following: to say nothing except what can be said, i.e. propositions of natural science … and then whenever someone else wanted to say something metaphysical, to demonstrate to him that he had failed to give a meaning to certain signs in his propositions" (TLP 6.53) The second, more far- reaching, "discovery" in the Investigations "is the one that makes me capable of stopping doing philosophy when I want to" (PI 133). This has been taken to revert back to the ladder metaphor and the injunction to silence in the Tractatus.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;3.8 After the Investigations&lt;br /&gt;The second part of the Philosophical Investigations was not intended as such by Wittgenstein. Vagaries of editorial decisions are responsible for its inclusion in the published text, but as the editors themselves say, these comments were written between 1946-1949, i.e., after the conclusion of the text which Wittgenstein planned to submit for publication. It is now widely agreed that the writings of the period from 1946 until his death (1951) constitute a distinctive phase of Wittgenstein's thought. These writings include, in addition to the second part of the Investigations, texts edited and collected in volumes such as Remarks on Colour, Remarks on the Philosophy of Psychology, Zettel, On Certainty, and parts of The Foundations of Mathematics. Besides dealing with mathematics and psychology, this is the stage at which Wittgenstein most seriously pursued questions traditionally recognized as epistemological. On Certainty tackles skeptical doubts and foundational solutions but is, in typical Wittgensteinian fashion, a work of therapy which discounts presuppositions common to both. This is intimately related to another of On Certainty's themes — the primacy of the deed to the word, or, in Wittgenstein's PI terminology, of form of life to grammar. The general tenor of all the writings of this last period can thence be viewed as, on the one hand, a move away from the critical (some would say destructive) positions of the Investigations to a more positive perspective on the same problems that had been tasking him since his early writings; on the other hand, this move does not constitute a break from the later period but is more properly viewed as its continuation, in a new light.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Bibliography&lt;br /&gt;Wittgenstein's Works&lt;br /&gt;The Blue and Brown Books (BB), 1958, Oxford: Blackwell. &lt;br /&gt;Culture and Value, 1980, G.H. von Wright (ed.), P. Winch (trans.), Oxford: Blackwell. &lt;br /&gt;Last Writings on the Philosophy of Psychology, vol. 1, 1982, vol. 2, 1992, G.H. von Wright and H. Nyman (eds.), trans. C.G. Luckhardt and M.A.E. Aue (trans.), Oxford: Blackwell. &lt;br /&gt;"A Lecture on Ethics", 1965, The Philosophical Review 74: 3-12. &lt;br /&gt;Lectures and Conversations on Aesthetics, Psychology and Religious Belief, 1966, C. Barrett (ed.), Oxford: Blackwell. &lt;br /&gt;Letters to C.K. Ogden with Comments on the English Translation of the Tractatus Logico-Philosophicus, 1973, G.H. von Wright (ed.), Oxford: Blackwell. &lt;br /&gt;Letters to Russell, Keynes and Moore, 1974, G.H. von Wright and B.F. McGuinness (eds.), Oxford: Blackwell. &lt;br /&gt;Ludwig Wittgenstein and the Vienna Circle: Conversations Recorded by Friedrich Waismann, 1979, B.F. McGuinness (ed.), Oxford: Blackwell. &lt;br /&gt;Notebooks 1914-1916, 1961, G.H. von Wright and G.E.M. Anscombe (eds.), Oxford: Blackwell. &lt;br /&gt;On Certainty, 1969, G.E.M. Anscombe and G.H. von Wright (eds.), G.E.M. Anscombe and D. Paul (trans.), Oxford: Blackwell. &lt;br /&gt;Philosophical Grammar, 1974, R. Rhees (ed.), A. Kenny (trans.), Oxford: Blackwell. &lt;br /&gt;Philosophical Investigations (PI), 1953, G.E.M. Anscombe and R. Rhees (eds.), G.E.M. Anscombe (trans.), Oxford: Blackwell. &lt;br /&gt;Philosophical Occasions, 1993, J. Klagge and A. Nordmann (eds.), Indianapolis: Hackett. &lt;br /&gt;Philosophical Remarks, 1964, R. Rhees (ed.), R. Hargreaves and R. White (trans.), Oxford: Blackwell. &lt;br /&gt;ProtoTractatus — An Early Version of Tractatus Logico- Philosophicus, 1971, B.F. McGuinness, T. Nyberg, G.H. von Wright (eds.), D.F. Pears and B.F. McGuinness (trans.), Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1971). &lt;br /&gt;Remarks on Colour, 1977, G.E.M. Anscombe (ed.), L. McAlister and M. Schaettle (trans.), Oxford: Blackwell. &lt;br /&gt;"Remarks on Frazer's Golden Bough", 1967, R. Rhees (ed.), Synthese 17: 233-253. &lt;br /&gt;Remarks on the Foundations of Mathematics, 1956, G.H. von Wright, R. Rhees and G.E.M. Anscombe (eds.), G.E.M. Anscombe (trans.), Oxford: Blackwell, revised edition 1978. &lt;br /&gt;Remarks on the Philosophy of Psychology, 1980, vol. 1, G.E.M. Anscombe and G.H. von Wright (eds.), G.E.M. Anscombe (trans.), vol. 2, G.H. von Wright and H. Nyman (eds.), C.G. Luckhardt and M.A.E. Aue (trans.), Oxford: Blackwell. &lt;br /&gt;Tractatus Logico-Philosophicus (TLP), 1922, C.K. Ogden (trans.), London: Routledge &amp; Kegan Paul. Originally published as "Logisch-Philosophische Abhandlung", in Annalen der Naturphilosophische Vol. XIV, 3/4, 1921. &lt;br /&gt;Tractatus Logico-Philosophicus, 1961, D.F. Pears and B.F. McGuinness (trans.), New York: Humanities Press. &lt;br /&gt;Wittgenstein: Conversations, 1949-1951, 1986, O.K. Bouwsma; J.L. Kraft and R.H. Hustwit (eds.), Indianapolis: Hackett. &lt;br /&gt;Wittgenstein's Lectures, Cambridge 1930-1932, 1980, D. Lee (ed.), Oxford: Blackwell. &lt;br /&gt;Wittgenstein's Lectures, Cambridge 1932-1935, 1979, A. Ambrose (ed.), Oxford: Blackwell. &lt;br /&gt;Wittgenstein's Lectures on the Foundations of Mathematics, 1976, C. Diamond (ed.), Ithaca: Cornell University Press. &lt;br /&gt;Wittgenstein's Lectures on Philosophical Psychology 1946- 47, 1988, P.T. Geach (ed.), London: Harvester. &lt;br /&gt;Zettel, 1967, G.E.M. Anscombe and G.H. von Wright (eds.), G.E.M. Anscombe (trans.), Oxford: Blackwell. &lt;br /&gt;The Collected Manuscripts of Ludwig Wittgenstein on Facsimile CD Rom, 1997, The Wittgenstein Archives at the University of Bergen (ed.), Oxford: Oxford University Press. &lt;br /&gt;Secondary Sources: Biographies and Historical Background&lt;br /&gt;Hacker, P.M.S., 1996, Wittgenstein's Place in Twentieth-century Analytic Philosophy, Oxford: Blackwell. &lt;br /&gt;Janik, Allan, and Stephen Toulmin, 1973, Wittgenstein's Vienna, New York: Simon and Schuster. &lt;br /&gt;Malcolm, N., 1958, Ludwig Wittgenstein: A Memoir, Oxford: Oxford University Press. &lt;br /&gt;McGuinness, B., 1988, Wittgenstein, a Life: Young Wittgenstein (1889-1929), Pelican. &lt;br /&gt;Monk, Ray, 1990, Ludwig Wittgenstein: The Duty of Genius, New York: Macmillan. &lt;br /&gt;Collections of Essays&lt;br /&gt;Block, Ned, (ed.), 1981, Perspectives on the Philosophy of Wittgenstein, Oxford: Blackwell. &lt;br /&gt;Canfield, John V., (ed.), 1986, The Philosophy of Wittgenstein, vols. 1-15, New York: Garland Publishers. &lt;br /&gt;Copi, I.M., and R.W. Beard, (eds.), 1966, Essays on Wittgenstein's Tractatus, London: Routledge. &lt;br /&gt;Crary, Alice and Rupert Read, (eds.), 2000, The New Wittgenstein, London: Routledge. &lt;br /&gt;Griffiths, A.P., (ed.), 1991, Wittgenstein: Centenary Essays, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. &lt;br /&gt;Griffiths, A.P., (ed.), 1991, Wittgenstein: Centenary Essays, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. &lt;br /&gt;Moyal-Sharrock, Daniele, and William H. Brenner, (eds.), 2005, Readings of Wittgenstein's On Certainty, New York: Palgrave Macmillan. &lt;br /&gt;Shanker, S.G., (ed.), 1986, Ludwig Wittgenstein: Critical Assessments, vols.1-5, Beckenham: Croom Helm. &lt;br /&gt;Sluga, Hans D., and David G. Stern, (eds.), 1996, The Cambridge Companion to Wittgenstein, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. &lt;br /&gt;Vesey, G., (ed.), 1974, Understanding Wittgenstein, Ithaca: Cornell University Press. &lt;br /&gt;Introductions and Commentaries&lt;br /&gt;Anscombe, G.E.M., 1959, An Introduction to Wittgenstein's Tractatus, London: Hutchinson. &lt;br /&gt;Biletzki, Anat, 2003, (Over)Interpreting Wittgenstein, Leiden: Kluwer. &lt;br /&gt;Black, Max, 1967, A Companion to Wittgenstein's Tractatus, Ithaca: Cornell University Press. &lt;br /&gt;Baker, G.P., and P.M.S. Hacker, 1980, Wittgenstein: Understanding and Meaning, Volume 1 of an Analytical Commentary on the Philosophical Investigations, Oxford: Blackwell. &lt;br /&gt;Baker, G.P., and P.M.S. Hacker, 1985, Wittgenstein: Rules, Grammar and Necessity, Volume 2 of an Analytical Commentary on the Philosophical Investigations, Oxford: Blackwell. &lt;br /&gt;Cavell, S., 1969, Must We Mean What We Say?, New York: Charles Scribner's Sons. &lt;br /&gt;Diamond, C., 1991, The Realistic Spirit, Cambridge: MIT Press. &lt;br /&gt;Fogelin, R.J., 1987, Wittgenstein, London: Routledge &amp; Kegan Paul, 1976, 2nd edition 1987. &lt;br /&gt;Glock, Hans-Johann, 1996, A Wittgenstein Dictionary, Oxford: Blackwell. &lt;br /&gt;Hacker, P.M.S., 1972, Insight and Illusion: Themes in the Philosophy of Wittgenstein, , Oxford: Clarendon Press; 2nd revised edition, 1986. &lt;br /&gt;Hacker, P.M.S., 1990, Wittgenstein: Meaning and Mind, Volume 3 of an Analytical Commentary on the Philosophical Investigations, Oxford: Blackwell. &lt;br /&gt;Hacker, P.M.S., 1996, Wittgenstein: Mind and Will, Volume 4 of an Analytical Commentary on the Philosophical Investigations, Oxford: Blackwell. &lt;br /&gt;Hintikka, M.B., and J. Hintikka, 1986, Investigating Wittgenstein, Oxford: Blackwell. &lt;br /&gt;Kenny, A., 1973, Wittgenstein, Cambridge: Harvard University Press. &lt;br /&gt;Kripke, S., 1982, Wittgenstein on Rules and Private Language: An Elementary Exposition, Oxford, Blackwell. &lt;br /&gt;Malcolm, N., 1986, Nothing is Hidden, Oxford: Blackwell. &lt;br /&gt;McGinn, Colin, 1984, Wittgenstein on Meaning, Oxford: Blackwell. &lt;br /&gt;Mounce, H.O., 1981, Wittgenstein's Tractatus: An Introduction, Oxford: Blackwell. &lt;br /&gt;Pears, David F., 1987, 1988, The False Prison, vols. I and II, Oxford: Oxford University Press. &lt;br /&gt;Stern, David G., 2004, Wittgenstein's Philosophical Investigations: An Introduction, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. &lt;br /&gt;Stroll, Avrum, 1994, Moore and Wittgenstein on Certainty, New York: Oxford University Press. &lt;br /&gt;Other Internet Resources&lt;br /&gt;The Austrian Ludwig Wittgenstein Society (ALWS) &lt;br /&gt;The North American Wittgenstein Society &lt;br /&gt;The Wittgenstein Archives &lt;br /&gt;Ludwig Wittgenstein (1889-1951) &lt;br /&gt;Wittgenstein on Rules and Private Language &lt;br /&gt;Papers of Ludwig Wittgenstein &lt;br /&gt;Wittgenstein Links&lt;div class="blogger-post-footer"&gt;&lt;img width='1' height='1' src='https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/tracker/8328808403424165981-6759539060128152856?l=fixcentenario.blogspot.com' alt='' /&gt;&lt;/div&gt;</content><link rel='replies' type='application/atom+xml' href='http://fixcentenario.blogspot.com/feeds/6759539060128152856/comments/default' title='Post Comments'/><link rel='replies' type='text/html' href='http://www.blogger.com/comment.g?blogID=8328808403424165981&amp;postID=6759539060128152856' title='0 Comments'/><link rel='edit' type='application/atom+xml' href='http://www.blogger.com/feeds/8328808403424165981/posts/default/6759539060128152856'/><link rel='self' type='application/atom+xml' href='http://www.blogger.com/feeds/8328808403424165981/posts/default/6759539060128152856'/><link rel='alternate' type='text/html' href='http://fixcentenario.blogspot.com/2009/06/wittgenstein_5378.html' title='Wittgenstein'/><author><name>education</name><uri>http://www.blogger.com/profile/12343022453805740638</uri><email>noreply@blogger.com</email><gd:image rel='http://schemas.google.com/g/2005#thumbnail' width='16' height='16' src='http://img2.blogblog.com/img/b16-rounded.gif'/></author><thr:total>0</thr:total></entry><entry><id>tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8328808403424165981.post-318028396902675743</id><published>2009-06-21T19:04:00.000-07:00</published><updated>2009-06-21T19:05:18.744-07:00</updated><title type='text'>Wittgenstein</title><content type='html'>Sense and Nonsense&lt;br /&gt;In the Tractatus Wittgenstein's logical construction of a philosophical system has a purpose — to find the limits of world, thought and language; in other words, to distinguish between sense and nonsense. "The book will … draw a limit to thinking, or rather — not to thinking, but to the expression of thoughts …. The limit can … only be drawn in language and what lies on the other side of the limit will be simply nonsense" (TLP Preface). The conditions for a proposition's having sense have been explored, and seen to rest on the possibility of representation or picturing. Names must have a bedeutung (reference/meaning), but they can only do so in the context of a proposition which is held together by logical form. It follows that only factual states of affairs which can be pictured, can be represented by meaningful propositions. This means that what can be said are only propositions of natural science, and leaves out of the realm of sense a daunting number of statements which are made and used in language.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;There are, first, the propositions of logic. These do not represent states of affairs, and the logical constants do not stand for objects. "My fundamental thought is that the logical constants do not represent. That the logic of the facts cannot be represented" (TLP 4.0312). This is not a happenstance thought; it is fundamental precisely because the limits of sense rest on logic. Tautologies and contradictions, the propositions of logic, are the limits of language and thought, and thereby the limits of the world. Obviously, then, they do not picture anything and do not, therefore, have sense. They are, in Wittgenstein's terms, senseless (sinnlos). Propositions which do have sense are bipolar; they range within the truth-conditions drawn by the propositions of logic. But the propositions of logic themselves are neither true nor false "for the one allows every possible state of affairs, the other none" (TLP 4.462).&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The characteristic of being senseless applies not only to the propositions of logic but also to other things that cannot be represented, such as mathematics or the pictorial form itself of the pictures that do represent. These are, like tautologies and contradictions, literally sense-less, they have no sense.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Beyond, or aside from, senseless propositions Wittgenstein identifies another group of statements which cannot carry sense: the nonsensical (unsinnig) propositions. Nonsense, as opposed to senselessness, is encountered when a proposition is even more radically devoid of meaning, when it transcends the bounds of sense. Under the label of unsinnig can be found various propositions: "Socrates is identical", but also "1 is a number". While some nonsensical propositions are blatantly so, others seem to be meaningful — and only analysis carried out in accordance with the picture theory can expose their nonsensicality. Since only what is "in" the world can be described, anything that is "higher" is excluded, including the notion of limit and the limit points themselves. Traditional metaphysics, and the propositions of ethics and aesthetics, which try to capture the world as a whole, are also excluded, as is the truth in solipsism, the very notion of a subject, for it is also not "in" the world but at its limit.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Wittgenstein does not, however, relegate all that is not inside the bounds of sense to oblivion. He makes a distinction between saying and showing which is made to do additional work. There are, beyond the senses that can be formulated in sayable (sensical) propositions, things that can only be shown. These — the logical form of the world, the pictorial form, etc. — show themselves in the form of (contingent) propositions, in the symbolism and logical propositions, and even in the unsayable (metaphysical, ethical, aesthetic) propositions of philosophy. "What can be shown cannot be said." But it is there, in language, even though it cannot be said.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;2.3 The Nature of Philosophy&lt;br /&gt;Accordingly, "the word ‘philosophy’ must mean something which stands above or below, but not beside the natural sciences" (TLP 4.111). Not surprisingly, then, "most of the propositions and questions to be found in philosophical works are not false but nonsensical" (TLP 4.003). Is, then, philosophy doomed to be nonsense (unsinnig), or, at best, senseless (sinnlos) when it does logic, but, in any case, meaningless? What is left for the philosopher to do, if traditional, or even revolutionary, propositions of metaphysics, epistemology, aesthetics, and ethics cannot be formulated in a sensical manner? The reply to these two questions is found in Wittgenstein's characterization of philosophy: philosophy is not a theory, or a doctrine, but rather an activity. It is an activity of clarification (of thoughts), and more so, of critique (of language). Described by Wittgenstein, it should be the philosopher's routine activity: to react or respond to the traditional philosophers' musings by showing them where they go wrong, using the tools provided by logical analysis. In other words, by showing them that (some of) their propositions are nonsense.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;"All propositions are of equal value" (TLP 6.4) — that could also be the fundamental thought of the book. For it employs a measure of the value of propositions that is done by logic and the notion of limits. It is here, however, with the constraints on the value of propositions, that the tension in the Tractatus is most strongly felt. It becomes clear that the notions used by the Tractatus — the logical-philosophical notions — do not belong to the world and hence cannot be used to express anything meaningful. Since language, thought and the world, are all isomorphic, any attempt to say in logic (i.e., in language) "this and this there is in the world, that there is not" is doomed to be a failure, since it would mean that logic has got outside the limits of the world, i.e. of itself. That is to say, the Tractatus has gone over its own limits, and stands in danger of being nonsensical.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The "solution" to this tension is found in Wittgenstein's final remarks, where he uses the metaphor of the ladder to express the function of the Tractatus. It is to be used in order to climb on it, in order to "see the world rightly"; but thereafter it must be recognized as nonsense and be thrown away. Hence: "whereof one cannot speak, thereof one must be silent" (7).&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;2.4 Interpretative Problems&lt;br /&gt;The Tractatus is notorious for its interpretative difficulties. In the eighty years that have passed since its publication it has gone through several waves of general interpretations. Beyond exegetical and hermeneutical issues that revolve around particular sections (such as the world/reality distinction, the difference between representing and presenting, the Frege/Russell connection to Wittgenstein, or the influence on Wittgenstein by existentialist philosophy) there are a few fundamental, not unrelated, disagreements that inform the map of interpretation. These revolve around the realism of the Tractatus, the notion of nonsense and its role in reading the Tractatus itself, and the reading of the Tractatus as an ethical tract.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;There are interpretations that see the Tractatus as espousing realism, i.e., as positing the independent existence of objects, states of affairs, and facts. That this realism is achieved via a linguistic turn is recognized by all (or most) interpreters, but this linguistic perspective does no damage to the basic realism that is seen to start off the Tractatus ("The world is all that is the case") and to run throughout the text ("Objects form the substance of the world" (TLP 2.021)). Such realism is also taken to be manifested in the essential bi-polarity of propositions; likewise, a straightforward reading of the picturing relation posits objects there to be represented by signs. As against these readings, more linguistically oriented interpretations give conceptual priority to the symbolism. When "reality is compared with propositions" (TLP 4.05), it is the form of propositions which determines the shape of reality (and not the other way round). In any case, the issue of realism (vs. anti-realism) in the Tractatus must address the question of the limits of language and the more particular question of what there is (or is not) beyond language. Subsequently, interpreters of the Tractatus have moved on to questioning the very presence of metaphysics within the book and the status of the propositions of the book themselves.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;‘Nonsense’ has become the hinge of Wittgensteinian interpretative discussion during the last decade of the 20th century. Beyond the bounds of language lies nonsense — propositions which cannot picture anything — and Wittgenstein bans traditional metaphysics to that area. The quandary arises concerning the question of what it is that inhabits that realm of nonsense, since Wittgenstein does seem to be saying that there is something there to be shown (rather than said) and does, indeed, characterize it as the ‘mystical’. The traditional readings of the Tractatus accepted, with varying degrees of discomfort, the existence of that which is unsayable, that which cannot be put into words, the nonsensical. More recent readings tend to take nonsense more seriously as exactly that — nonsense. This also entails taking seriously Wittgenstein's words in 6.54 — his famous ladder metaphor — and throwing out the Tractatus itself. The Tractatus, on this stance, beyond telling the reader about the ineffable (metaphysics, ethics, aesthetics, logical form, pictorial form, etc.), is a part of the ineffable as well, and should be recognized as such. An accompanying discussion must then also deal with how this can be recognized, what this can possibly mean, and how it should be used, if at all.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;This discussion is closely related to what has come to be called the ethical reading of the Tractatus. Such a reading is based, first, on the supposed discrepancy between Wittgenstein's construction of a world-language system, which takes up the bulk of the Tractatus, and several comments that are made about this construction in the Preface to the book, in its closing remarks, and in a letter he sent to his publisher, Ludwig von Ficker, before publication. In these places, all of which can be viewed as external to the content of the Tractatus, Wittgenstein preaches silence as regards anything that is of importance, including the "internal" parts of the book which contain, in his own words, "the final solution of the problems [of philosophy]." It is the importance given to the ineffable that can be viewed as an ethical position. "My work consists of two parts, the one presented here plus all that I have not written. And it is precisely this second part that is the important point. For the ethical gets its limit drawn from the inside, as it were, by my book; … I've managed in my book to put everything firmly into place by being silent about it …. For now I would recommend you to read the preface and the conclusion, because they contain the most direct expression of the point" (ProtoTractatus, p.16). Obviously, such seemingly contradictory tensions within and about a text — written by its author — give rise to interpretative conundrums.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;There is another issue often debated by interpreters of Wittgenstein, which arises out of the questions above. This has to do with the continuity between the thought of the early and later Wittgenstein. Again, the "standard" interpretations were originally united in perceiving a clear break between the two distinct stages of Wittgenstein's thought, even when ascertaining some developmental continuity between them. And again, the more recent interpretations challenge this standard, emphasizing that the fundamental therapeutic motivation clearly found in the later Wittgenstein should also be attributed to the early.&lt;div class="blogger-post-footer"&gt;&lt;img width='1' height='1' src='https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/tracker/8328808403424165981-318028396902675743?l=fixcentenario.blogspot.com' alt='' /&gt;&lt;/div&gt;</content><link rel='replies' type='application/atom+xml' href='http://fixcentenario.blogspot.com/feeds/318028396902675743/comments/default' title='Post Comments'/><link rel='replies' type='text/html' href='http://www.blogger.com/comment.g?blogID=8328808403424165981&amp;postID=318028396902675743' title='0 Comments'/><link rel='edit' type='application/atom+xml' href='http://www.blogger.com/feeds/8328808403424165981/posts/default/318028396902675743'/><link rel='self' type='application/atom+xml' href='http://www.blogger.com/feeds/8328808403424165981/posts/default/318028396902675743'/><link rel='alternate' type='text/html' href='http://fixcentenario.blogspot.com/2009/06/wittgenstein_1143.html' title='Wittgenstein'/><author><name>education</name><uri>http://www.blogger.com/profile/12343022453805740638</uri><email>noreply@blogger.com</email><gd:image rel='http://schemas.google.com/g/2005#thumbnail' width='16' height='16' src='http://img2.blogblog.com/img/b16-rounded.gif'/></author><thr:total>0</thr:total></entry><entry><id>tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8328808403424165981.post-3893344359336393335</id><published>2009-06-21T18:59:00.000-07:00</published><updated>2009-06-21T19:04:01.265-07:00</updated><title type='text'>Wittgenstein</title><content type='html'>Ludwig Wittgenstein&lt;br /&gt;First published Fri Nov 8, 2002; substantive revision Fri May 22, 2009&lt;br /&gt;Considered by some to be the greatest philosopher of the 20th century, Ludwig Wittgenstein played a central, if controversial, role in 20th-century analytic philosophy. He continues to influence current philosophical thought in topics as diverse as logic and language, perception and intention, ethics and religion, aesthetics and culture. There are two commonly recognized stages of Wittgenstein's thought — the early and the later — both of which are taken to be pivotal in their respective periods. The early Wittgenstein is epitomized in his Tractatus Logico-Philosophicus. By showing the application of modern logic to metaphysics, via language, he provided new insights into the relations between world, thought and language and thereby into the nature of philosophy. It is the later Wittgenstein, mostly recognized in the Philosophical Investigations, who took the more revolutionary step in critiquing all of traditional philosophy including its climax in his own early work. The nature of his new philosophy is heralded as anti-systematic through and through, yet still conducive to genuine philosophical understanding of traditional problems.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;1. Biographical Sketch &lt;br /&gt;2. The Early Wittgenstein &lt;br /&gt;2.1 Tractatus Logico-Philosophicus &lt;br /&gt;2.2 Sense and Nonsense &lt;br /&gt;2.3 The Nature of Philosophy &lt;br /&gt;2.4 Interpretative Problems &lt;br /&gt;3. The Later Wittgenstein &lt;br /&gt;3.1 Transition and Critique of Tractatus &lt;br /&gt;3.2 Philosophical Investigations &lt;br /&gt;3.3 Meaning as Use &lt;br /&gt;3.4 Language-games and Family Resemblance &lt;br /&gt;3.5 Rule-following &lt;br /&gt;3.6 Private Language, Grammar and Form of Life &lt;br /&gt;3.7 The Nature of Philosophy &lt;br /&gt;3.8. After the Investigations &lt;br /&gt;Bibliography &lt;br /&gt;Other Internet Resources &lt;br /&gt;Related Entries &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;--------------------------------------------------------------------------------&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;1. Biographical Sketch&lt;br /&gt;Wittgenstein was born on April 26, 1889 in Vienna, Austria, to a wealthy industrial family, well-situated in intellectual and cultural Viennese circles. In 1908 he began his studies in aeronautical engineering at Manchester University where his interest in the philosophy of pure mathematics led him to Frege. Upon Frege's advice, in 1911 he went to Cambridge to study with Bertrand Russell. Russell wrote, upon meeting Wittgenstein: "An unknown German appeared … obstinate and perverse, but I think not stupid" (quoted by Monk 1990: 38f). Within one year, Russell was committed: "I shall certainly encourage him. Perhaps he will do great things … I love him and feel he will solve the problems I am too old to solve" (quoted by Monk 1990: 41). Russell's insight was accurate. Wittgenstein was idiosyncratic in his habits and way of life, yet profoundly acute in his philosophical sensitivity.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;During his years in Cambridge, from 1911 to 1913, Wittgenstein conducted several conversations on philosophy and the foundations of logic with Russell, with whom he had an emotional and intense relationship, as well as with Moore and Keynes. He retreated to isolation in Norway, for months at a time, in order to ponder these philosophical problems and to work out their solutions. In 1913 he returned to Austria and in 1914, at the start of World War I (1914-1918), joined the Austrian army. He was taken captive in 1917 and spent the remaining months of the war at a prison camp. It was during the war that he wrote the notes and drafts of his first important work, Tractatus Logico-Philosophicus. After the war the book was published in German and translated into English.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;In 1920 Wittgenstein, now divorced from philosophy (having, to his mind, solved all philosophical problems in the Tractatus), gave away his part of his family's fortune and pursued several "professions" (gardener, teacher, architect, etc.) in and around Vienna. It was only in 1929 that he returned to Cambridge to resume his philosophical vocation, after having been exposed to discussions on the philosophy of mathematics and science with members of the Vienna Circle. During these first years in Cambridge his conception of philosophy and its problems underwent dramatic changes that are recorded in several volumes of conversations, lecture notes, and letters (e.g., Ludwig Wittgenstein and the Vienna Circle, The Blue and Brown Books, Philosophical Grammar). Sometimes termed the ‘middle Wittgenstein’, this period heralds a rejection of dogmatic philosophy, including both traditional works and the Tractatus itself.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;In the 1930s and 1940s Wittgenstein conducted seminars — notorious for problems in communication between teacher and students — at Cambridge, developing most of the ideas that he intended to publish in his second book, Philosophical Investigations. These included the turn from formal logic to ordinary language, novel reflections on psychology and mathematics, and a general skepticism concerning philosophy's pretensions. In 1945 he prepared the final manuscript of the Philosophical Investigations, but, at the last minute, withdrew it from publication (and only authorized its posthumous publication). For a few more years he continued his philosophical work, but this is marked by a rich development of, rather than a turn away from, his second phase. He traveled during this period to the United States and Ireland, and returned to Cambridge, where he was diagnosed with cancer. Legend has it that, at his death in 1951, his last words were "Tell them I've had a wonderful life" (Monk: 579).&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;2. The Early Wittgenstein&lt;br /&gt;2.1 Tractatus Logico-Philosophicus&lt;br /&gt;Tractatus Logico-Philosophicus was first published in German in 1921, and then translated — by C.K. Ogden, with F. P. Ramsey's help — and published in English in 1922. It was later re-translated by D. F. Pears and B. F. McGuinness. Coming out of Wittgenstein's Notebooks, written in 1914-16, and correspondence with Russell, Moore and Keynes, and showing Schopenhauerian and other cultural influences, it evolved as a continuation of and reaction to Russell and Frege's conceptions of logic and language. Bertrand Russell supplied an introduction to the book claiming that it "certainly deserves … to be considered an important event in the philosophical world." It is fascinating to note that Wittgenstein thought little of Russell's introduction, claiming that it was riddled with misunderstandings. Later interpretations have attempted to unearth the surprising tensions between the introduction and the rest of the book (or between Russell's reading of Wittgenstein and Wittgenstein's own self-assessment) — usually harping on Russell's appropriation of Wittgenstein for his own agenda. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The Tractatus's structure purports to be representative of its internal essence. It is constructed around seven basic propositions, numbered by the natural numbers 1-7, with all other paragraphs in the text numbered by decimal expansions so that, e.g., paragraph 1.1 is (supposed to be) a further elaboration on proposition 1, 1.22 is an elaboration of 1.2, and so on.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The seven basic propositions are:&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt; Ogden translation Pears/McGuinness translation &lt;br /&gt;1. The world is everything that is the case. The world is all that is the case. &lt;br /&gt;2. What is the case, the fact, is the existence of atomic facts. What is the case — a fact — is the existence of states of affairs.  &lt;br /&gt;3. The logical picture of the facts is the thought. A logical picture of facts is a thought.  &lt;br /&gt;4. The thought is the significant proposition. A thought is a proposition with sense. &lt;br /&gt;5. Propositions are truth-functions of elementary propositions. A proposition is a truth-function of elementary propositions. &lt;br /&gt; (An elementary proposition is a truth function of itself.) (An elementary proposition is a truth function of itself.) &lt;br /&gt;6. The general form of truth-function is [p, ξ, N(ξ)]. The general form of a truth-function is [p, ξ, N(ξ)]. &lt;br /&gt; This is the general form of proposition. This is the general form of a proposition. &lt;br /&gt;7. Whereof one cannot speak, thereof one must be silent. What we cannot speak about we must pass over in silence. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Clearly, the book addresses the central problems of philosophy which deal with the world, thought and language, and presents a "solution" (as Wittgenstein terms it) of these problems which is grounded in logic and in the nature of representation. The world is represented by thought, which is a proposition with sense, since they all — world, thought, and proposition — share the same logical form. Hence, the thought and the proposition can be pictures of the facts.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Starting with a seeming metaphysics, Wittgenstein sees the world as consisting of facts (1), rather than the traditional, atomistic conception of a world made up of objects. Facts are existent states of affairs (2) and states of affairs, in turn, are combinations of objects. Objects can fit together in various determinate ways. They may have various properties and may hold diverse relations to one another. Objects combine with one another according to their logical, internal properties. That is to say, an object's internal properties determine the possibilities of its combination with other objects; this is its logical form. Thus, states of affairs, being comprised of objects in combination, are inherently complex. The states of affairs which do exist could have been otherwise. This means that states of affairs are either actual (existent) or possible. It is the totality of states of affairs — actual and possible — that makes up the whole of reality. The world is precisely those states of affairs which do exist.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The move to thought, and thereafter to language, is perpetrated with the use of Wittgenstein's famous idea that thoughts, and propositions, are pictures — "the picture is a model of reality" (TLP 2.12). Pictures are made up of elements that together constitute the picture. Each element represents an object, and the combination of objects in the picture represents the combination of objects in a state of affairs. The logical structure of the picture, whether in thought or in language, is isomorphic with the logical structure of the state of affairs which it pictures. More subtle is Wittgenstein's insight that the possibility of this structure being shared by the picture (the thought, the proposition) and the state of affairs is the pictorial form. "That is how a picture is attached to reality; it reaches right out to it" (TLP 2.1511). This leads to an understanding of what the picture can picture; but also what it cannot — its own pictorial form.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;While "the logical picture of the facts is the thought" (3), in the move to language Wittgenstein continues to investigate the possibilities of significance for propositions (4). Logical analysis, in the spirit of Frege and Russell, guides the work, with Wittgenstein using the logical calculus to carry out the construction of his system. Explaining that "Only the proposition has sense; only in the context of a proposition has a name meaning" (TLP 3.3), he provides the reader with the two conditions for sensical language. First, the structure of the proposition must conform with the constraints of logical form, and second, the elements of the proposition must have reference (bedeutung). These conditions have far-reaching implications. The analysis must culminate with a name being a primitive symbol, and this is manifested by the very abstract character of both names and (simple) objects. Moreover, logic itself gives us the structure and limits of what can be said at all.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Logic is based on the idea that every proposition is either true or false. This bi-polarity of propositions enables the composition of more complex propositions from atomic ones by using truth-functional operators (5). Wittgenstein supplies, in the Tractatus, the first presentation of Frege's logic in the form of what has become known as ‘truth-tables'. This provides the means to go back and analyze all propositions into their atomic parts, since "every statement about complexes can be analyzed into a statement about their constituent parts, and into those propositions which completely describe the complexes" (TLP 2.0201). He delves even deeper by then providing the general form of a proposition (6). This form, [p, ξ, N(ξ)], makes use of one formal operation (N(ξ)) and one propositional variable (p) to represent Wittgenstein's claim that any proposition "is the result of successive applications" of logical operations to elementary propositions.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Having developed this analysis of world-thought-language, and relying on the one general form of the proposition, Wittgenstein can now assert that all meaningful propositions are of equal value. Subsequently, he ends the journey with the admonition concerning what can (or cannot), and what should (or should not) be said (7), leaving outside the realm of the sayable propositions of ethics, aesthetics, and metaphysics.&lt;div class="blogger-post-footer"&gt;&lt;img width='1' height='1' src='https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/tracker/8328808403424165981-3893344359336393335?l=fixcentenario.blogspot.com' alt='' /&gt;&lt;/div&gt;</content><link rel='replies' type='application/atom+xml' href='http://fixcentenario.blogspot.com/feeds/3893344359336393335/comments/default' title='Post Comments'/><link rel='replies' type='text/html' href='http://www.blogger.com/comment.g?blogID=8328808403424165981&amp;postID=3893344359336393335' title='0 Comments'/><link rel='edit' type='application/atom+xml' href='http://www.blogger.com/feeds/8328808403424165981/posts/default/3893344359336393335'/><link rel='self' type='application/atom+xml' href='http://www.blogger.com/feeds/8328808403424165981/posts/default/3893344359336393335'/><link rel='alternate' type='text/html' href='http://fixcentenario.blogspot.com/2009/06/wittgenstein_21.html' title='Wittgenstein'/><author><name>education</name><uri>http://www.blogger.com/profile/12343022453805740638</uri><email>noreply@blogger.com</email><gd:image rel='http://schemas.google.com/g/2005#thumbnail' width='16' height='16' src='http://img2.blogblog.com/img/b16-rounded.gif'/></author><thr:total>0</thr:total></entry><entry><id>tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8328808403424165981.post-4720950587806420444</id><published>2009-06-21T18:57:00.000-07:00</published><updated>2009-06-21T18:59:48.820-07:00</updated><title type='text'>Urban Social Processes</title><content type='html'>Urban Forms, Urban Processes, and Urban Policies: Toward a new conceptual framework and a new research agenda for metropolis in the 21st century&lt;br /&gt;Daniel Z. Sui &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;--------------------------------------------------------------------------------&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Outline:&lt;br /&gt;1. Metropolis in the 21st Century: Toward a new conceptual framework for future research &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;1.1 Urban Forms: Technopolis, Ecumenopolis, Anthropopolis &lt;br /&gt;1.2 Urban Processes: Macro (societal), Meso (institutional), Micro (individual) &lt;br /&gt;1.3 Urban Policies: Economic Efficiency, Environmental Sustainability, Social Equity&lt;br /&gt;2. Comments on the three proposed conference themes &lt;br /&gt;2.1. Spatial Technologies and Accessibility &lt;br /&gt;2.2. Accessibility and the Truly Disadvantaged &lt;br /&gt;2.3. GIS and the modeling of new cities &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;It is a general consensus among social scientists that a technological revolution of historic proportion is dramatically transforming all the fundamental dimensions of human society. Technological impacts on the spatial forms and dynamics of cities all over the world can serve as the quintessential example for this technological revolution. Yet the recent literature is full of conflicting arguments and untested speculations about the effects of these technologies on urban societies. Although similar conference and projects have been conducted before (Brotchie et al., 1985, 1987; 1991), I believe that the proposed Baltimore conference is timely and much needed as some broader theoretical issues have not been thoroughly discussed and some of the technological advances were not anticipated. The following are some of my research notes prepared for the Baltimore conference. My primary intention here is to present an outline for a new conceptual framework and discuss a preliminary research agenda related to the three conference themes. The new conceptual framework proposed here is a synthesis of existing theoretical frameworks with a very strong flavor of theoretical pluralism. It is just a rough outline at this moment. Hopefully, I can further elaborate this framework based upon the feedback from the participants of this conference. Empirical evidence from my on-going research on Texas cities will be provided at the conference. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;1. Metropolis in the 21st Century: Toward a new synthesis of conceptual frameworks&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The voluminous recent urban literature on world cities, especially North American cities, is replete with assertions that a major reorganization of the spatial structure of cities is underway. A series of distinctive new urban forms is emerging from a complex interplay among social, economic, political and cultural forces. It has been argued that these new forms are characterized by the continued decentralization of both population and employment, the increasing levels of social diversity and spatial polarization, the emergence of an elite inner city (gentrification), and the deepening spatial separation between jobs and labor (spatial mismatch). These new urban forms have been attributed to the various societal, institutional, and individual decision making processes. Numerous policy proposals have been made for various different development scenarios for cities in the 21st century, ranging from going back to the pedestrian-based more compact urban form to stimulate the development of completely footloose electropolis.&lt;br /&gt;In order to weave all these different aspects of urban studies into a coherent research agenda, we need to develop and articulate a new, eclectic, and inclusive conceptual framework. I believe that the new theoretical framework should have three integral components: 1). It should enable us to describe the new emerging urban forms in more comprehensive ways; 2). It should empower us to explain the underlying processes contributing to the emerging new urban forms; 3). It should offer us new insights to prescribe effective urban policies to redirect the underlying processes to promote the most desirable urban forms. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;1.1 Urban Forms: A metropolis in the 21st century will be a tale of three different, but interrelated, cities. The specific urban forms will be determined by the interplay of the following three components:&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;A. Technopolis: Indeed, new world making always starts with the new word making. Scholars have used a variety of different names to refer to this emerging technopolis, ranging from electropolis and wired cities to city of bits, computational city to virtual and on-line community. Technopolis, narrowly defined, refers to the constellation of massive transportation, telecommunications, and information networks to move goods, people, and information; it is a combination of wheels, wires, and air waves. Technopolis, especially the city of bits, or the on-line virtual community, has attracted lots of attention in recent years, but our knowledge of the wired cities remain to be futuristic prophecies as presented in Mitchell's City of Bits. Concerted research efforts are needed for this emerging new urban form. The three themes of this conference may serve as an excellent start for us to gain more knowledge of this emerging new urban form.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;B. Ecumonopolis, also known as sustainable city or ecological city. Daunting urban environmental problems have made the urban community to rethink of its slash/burn policies in the past. The development of Ecumenopolis, with the goal of seeking harmony of human being with their surrounding urban natural environment, has increasingly become an integral part of urban policy for urban development all over the world. The technopolis should be developed in harmony with urban natural environment and ultimately to become an ecumenopolis.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;C. Anthropopolis. The central component of metropolis of the future will be the people residing the cities. To make future cities to become anthropopolis is to make future metropolis to become truly the city of/for people. The concept of anthropopolis emphasizes the satisfaction of human needs and the quality of urban life as the ultimate goal for all the future endeavors. We should strive the make the technopolis and ecumenopolis to serve this goal. Transportation networks, communication networks, and natural environmental should be designed in the way to stimulate the kind of life we would like to live (Do we know for sure?). The goal of developing an anthropopolis is to make all human activities, i.e., where we work, where we live and shop; and where we go to entertain ourselves, as enjoyable as we can. The telecommunication and computer technologies have played an increasingly important roles in all these activities, and yet we are not sure to what extent they are substitutive, complementary or synergistic to traditional means of conducting these activities.&lt;br /&gt;With these three interrelated metropolis in mind, we should make concerted research efforts on the optimal urban forms for the cities in the next millennium. Do we want the relentless urban sprawl to continue, as facilitated by the development of new transportation, communication, and information technologies? Or should we go back to a more compact pedestrian-oriented urban forms as proposed by some leading urban planners in order to better fulfill the ideal sense of community, sustainability, and social equity?&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;1.2 Urban Processes: The processes contributing to the formations of urban forms are extraordinarily complex, and numerous different theoretical perspectives have been developed during the past two decades to explain these diverse urban processes. I believe that the new urban process theory should take a more holistic approach to synthesize these diverse approaches. The hierarchical theory I am proposing can be broken down into the following three levels:&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;A. Micro level processes: This is the individual level process using a behavioral approach from theories and concepts of neo-classical economics. Most traditional urban modeling efforts follow into this category.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;B. Meso level processes: At this intermediate level, attentions should be paid to the roles and behaviors of various institutions in both private and public sectors. We need to examine how various institutions have shaped urban development trajectory and thus result in different urban forms.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;C. Macro level processes: At this level, we should bring the general societal trends into consideration, putting urban development into perspectives of political economy, economic transformation, long wave rhythms, and world systems.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;1.3: Urban Policies: I believe the future policy goals should strive to achieve balance of the following objectives:&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;A. Economic Efficiency: To develop policies to intervene at the individual, institutional, and societal levels to make the technopolis the most economically efficient at both the intra and inter-urban levels to facilitate the flows of goods, people, and information.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;B. Environmental Sustainability: To develop policies to intervene at the individual, institutional, and societal levels to make the ecumenopolis the most environmentally sustainable, with plenty of safe water, clean air, and diversified natural habitat.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;C. Social Equity: To develop policies to intervene at the individual, institutional, and societal levels to make the anthropopolis truly socially equitable so that the metropolis will become a city for everybody, with equal access to all different kinds of information and services and equal share of environmental burdens. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;2. Comments on the three conference themes&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;2.1. Spatial Technologies and Accessibility&lt;br /&gt;If spatial technologies, as defined in the call for papers for this conference, include new transportation networks, comunication, and information technologies, then the concept of accessibility needs to be redefined both conceptually and operationally. Presently, most measures of accessibility are distance-based, exclusively for the transportation networks. With ubiquitous availability of various communication and information technologies, traditional measures of accessibility may no longer apply. Because of the complexities in the spatial configurations of the new communication and information technology, the accessibility has become more elusive and fluid; thus it would be very difficult, if not impossible, to measure. We need new concepts and measurements to describe the spatial effects of new communication and information technology.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The second point I want to make is: we need to define access to what? Traditionally, we are concerned with access to jobs and services, now more with information. How should we measure people's access to information and to extent the access to information is measurable? We also need to differentiate the physical accessibility (via physical transportation/comunication networks) vs. social accessibility (via various institutional and interpersonal networks). Recent works in the social science literature has revealed that physical accessibility won't succeed unless it is hooked to the right social networks.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The conjectured changes in urban accessibility brought about by the increasingly widespread use of communication and information technologies in the literature remain to be speculations without a sound conceptual justification, not to mention about the urban land use changes at different geographic scales in response to the changes in access brought about by modern spatial technologies. Empirical studies are also lacking in examining the relationships between transportation and communication, to what extent they are substitutive, complementary, or synergistic in affecting the new urban development? The first step to achieve a satisfactory answer to these questions is to conduct an inventory of communication and information infrastructure. We have detailed road maps, but we do not have a thorough knowledge on the telecommunication/information network maps. Maybe we need a project Alexandria II to map out the distribution of various telecommunication and computer networks. Without a complete inventory of telecommunication and information infrastructures, our knowledge of accessibility will remain to be partial and speculative. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;2.2 Accessibility and the Truly Disadvantaged&lt;br /&gt;It is common knowledge now that the emerging information society is witnessing an increasing polarization between the haves and the have-nots, and the information-rich and the information-poor. Geographically, those disadvantaged population are predominantly trapped in inner cities and various suburban pocket locations. But the formation of the new underclass or the truly disadvantaged is a complex process. Lack of accessibility is one factor, but some social science studies have revealed that the formation of urban underclass is more than an accessibility issue. At the this moment, we do not know to what extent the accessibility has contributed to their status compared to other factors, such as education, segregation, and discrimination, etc. Some recent empirical work indicated that more access to information may not necessarily mean a better life for them, which should prompt us to consider both positive and negative effects of information on the lives of urban residents. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;2.3. GIS and the modeling of new cities&lt;br /&gt;With the recognition that GIS technology so far is more successful as a data inventory and information management tool rather as a spatial analytical and modeling tool, the GIS community, in collaboration with quantitative geographers, regional scientists, and modelers from various substantive fields, has made concerted efforts to integrate GIS with sophisticated analytical and modeling techniques. Numerous technical breakthroughs have been accomplished during the past five years. However, as far as the GIS-based urban modeling is concerned, I would say that GIS remains to be an improved means for unimproved ends. The models that have been implemented using GIS are conceptually still those developed during the 60s and 70s, i.e. various modified versions of Lowry-Garin model, shift-share analysis, mathematical programming techniques, etc. Although they may be useful under certain circumstances, few, if any, has confessed the cardinal sins of those urban models and discussed ways to reconceptualize them to capture the new dynamics of urban reality. Simply implementing a Lowry model using ARC/INFO doesn't add any substance to the model itself.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Undoubtedly, GIS will continue to play a very important role in modeling the new cities and stimulate new representations of urban reality. New urban realities demand new urban conceptual models. Maybe the outline I presented in this note can serve as a guideline for the design of new urban models: to incorporate the processes at the individual, institutional, and societal levels to achieve the goals of economic efficiency, environmental Sustainability, and social equity for metropolis of 21st century in which the technopolis, ecumonopolis, and anthropopolis are syngergistically and artfully integrated.&lt;br /&gt;Last, but not least, I would like to emphasize that our future research efforts be tied more closely to urban policies. There are have been growing disparity between what we purport to describe and manipulate using sophisticated theoretical and methodological frameworks in virtual reality and our ability to say anything really meaningful about what actually happens in urban reality. Just as Gunnar Olsson put it so aptly 20 years ago: "what the analysis yielded was not more knowledge of the phenomena the model was speaking about: what it revealed was instead the hidden structure the model was speaking within." The new research agenda must strike a balance between the sophistication of our techniques/methods and the real world phenomena we are talking about. We need new frameworks, new models, new concepts, but we must strive to translate these new structures and models into meaningful policies and languages that society can appreciate and understand. Rigorous conceptual frameworks should be coupled with meticulous empirical analysis and realistic policy implications. Otherwise, our research efforts may become another self-indulging academic exercise. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;--------------------------------------------------------------------------------&lt;br /&gt;Daniel Sui&lt;br /&gt;Texas A&amp;M University&lt;br /&gt;Department of Geography&lt;br /&gt;College Station, TX 77843-3147&lt;br /&gt;Phone: (409) 845-7141&lt;br /&gt;FAX: (409) 862-4487&lt;br /&gt;D-Sui@tamu.edu&lt;div class="blogger-post-footer"&gt;&lt;img width='1' height='1' src='https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/tracker/8328808403424165981-4720950587806420444?l=fixcentenario.blogspot.com' alt='' /&gt;&lt;/div&gt;</content><link rel='replies' type='application/atom+xml' href='http://fixcentenario.blogspot.com/feeds/4720950587806420444/comments/default' title='Post Comments'/><link rel='replies' type='text/html' href='http://www.blogger.com/comment.g?blogID=8328808403424165981&amp;postID=4720950587806420444' title='0 Comments'/><link rel='edit' type='application/atom+xml' href='http://www.blogger.com/feeds/8328808403424165981/posts/default/4720950587806420444'/><link rel='self' type='application/atom+xml' href='http://www.blogger.com/feeds/8328808403424165981/posts/default/4720950587806420444'/><link rel='alternate' type='text/html' href='http://fixcentenario.blogspot.com/2009/06/urban-social-processes_21.html' title='Urban Social Processes'/><author><name>education</name><uri>http://www.blogger.com/profile/12343022453805740638</uri><email>noreply@blogger.com</email><gd:image rel='http://schemas.google.com/g/2005#thumbnail' width='16' height='16' src='http://img2.blogblog.com/img/b16-rounded.gif'/></author><thr:total>0</thr:total></entry><entry><id>tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8328808403424165981.post-4888014629847454495</id><published>2009-06-21T18:55:00.000-07:00</published><updated>2009-06-21T18:57:42.389-07:00</updated><title type='text'>Social Theory</title><content type='html'>History&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;[edit] Pre-classical social theorists&lt;br /&gt;Prior to 19th century, social theory took largely narrative and normative traits. Expressed in story form, it both assumed ethical principles and recommended moral acts. Thus one can regard religious figures as the earliest social theorists.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Saint Augustine (354 - 430) and St. Thomas Aquinas (circa 1225 - 1274) concerned themselves exclusively with a just society. St. Augustine describes late Ancient Roman society but through a lens of hatred and contempt for what he saw as false Gods, and in reaction theorized The City of God. Similarly, in China, Master Kong (otherwise known as Confucius) (551 - 479 BCE) envisaged a just society that went beyond his contemporary society of the Warring States. Later on, also in China, Mozi (circa 470 - circa 390 BCE) recommended a more pragmatic sociology, but ethical at base.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;In the 18th century, after Montesquieu's The Spirit of Law established that social elements influences human nature, pre-classical period of social theories have changed to a new form that provide the basic ideas for social theory. Such as: evolution, philosophy of history, social life and social contract, public and general will, competition in social space, organistic pattern for social description and ... Jean-Jacques Rousseau in this time played a significant role in social theory. He revealed the origin of inequality, analyzed the social contract(and social compact) that forms social integration and defined the social sphere or civil society. He also emphasized that man has the liberty to change his world, a revolutionary assertion that made it possible to program and change society.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;[edit] Classical social theory&lt;br /&gt;The first “modern” social theories (known as classical theories) that begin to resemble the analytic social theory of today developed almost simultaneously with the birth of the science of sociology. Auguste Comte (1798 - 1857), known as the 'father of sociology', laid the groundwork for one of the first social theories - social evolutionism. In the 19th century three great classical theories of social and historical change emerged: the social evolutionism theory (of which Social Darwinism forms a part), the social cycle theory and the Marxist historical materialism theory.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Another early modern theorist, Herbert Spencer (1820 - 1903), coined the term "survival of the fittest" (and incidentally recommended avoidance of governmental action on behalf of the poor). Some Post-Modern social theorists like Shepard Humphries, draw heavily upon Spencer's work and argue that many of his observations are timeless (just as relevant in 2008 as 1898). Vilfredo Pareto (1848 - 1923) and Pitirim A. Sorokin argued that 'history goes in cycles', and presented the social cycle theory to illustrate their point. Ferdinand Tönnies (1855 - 1936) made community and society (Gemeinschaft and Gesellschaft, 1887) the special topics of the new science of "sociology", both of them based on different modes of will of social actors. Emile Durkheim postulated a number of major theories regarding anomie and functionalism. Max Weber theorized on bureaucracy, religion, and authority. Karl Marx theorized on the class struggle and social progress towards communism and laid the groundwork for the theory that became known as Marxism. Marxism became more than a theory, of course, carrying deep implications over the course of 20th century history (including the Russian Revolution of 1917).&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Most of the 19th century pioneers of social theory and sociology, like Saint-Simon, Comte, Marx, John Stuart Mill or Spencer, never held university posts. Most people regarded them as philosophers, because much of the their thinking was interdisciplinary and "outside the box" of the existing disciplines of their time (eg:, philology, law, and history).&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Many of the classical theories had one common factor: they all agreed that the history of humanity is pursuing a certain fixed path. They differed on where that path would lead: social progress, technological progress, decline or even fall, etc. Social cycle theorists were much more skeptical of the Western achievements and technological progress, however, arguing that progress is but an illusion in of the ups and downs of the historical cycles. The classical approach has been criticized by many modern sociologists and theorists, among them Karl Popper, Robert Nisbet, Charles Tilly and Immanuel Wallerstein.&lt;div class="blogger-post-footer"&gt;&lt;img width='1' height='1' src='https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/tracker/8328808403424165981-4888014629847454495?l=fixcentenario.blogspot.com' alt='' /&gt;&lt;/div&gt;</content><link rel='replies' type='application/atom+xml' href='http://fixcentenario.blogspot.com/feeds/4888014629847454495/comments/default' title='Post Comments'/><link rel='replies' type='text/html' href='http://www.blogger.com/comment.g?blogID=8328808403424165981&amp;postID=4888014629847454495' title='0 Comments'/><link rel='edit' type='application/atom+xml' href='http://www.blogger.com/feeds/8328808403424165981/posts/default/4888014629847454495'/><link rel='self' type='application/atom+xml' href='http://www.blogger.com/feeds/8328808403424165981/posts/default/4888014629847454495'/><link rel='alternate' type='text/html' href='http://fixcentenario.blogspot.com/2009/06/social-theory_21.html' title='Social Theory'/><author><name>education</name><uri>http://www.blogger.com/profile/12343022453805740638</uri><email>noreply@blogger.com</email><gd:image rel='http://schemas.google.com/g/2005#thumbnail' width='16' height='16' src='http://img2.blogblog.com/img/b16-rounded.gif'/></author><thr:total>0</thr:total></entry><entry><id>tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8328808403424165981.post-3967841889156471107</id><published>2009-06-21T18:50:00.000-07:00</published><updated>2009-06-21T18:54:57.595-07:00</updated><title type='text'>Wittgenstein</title><content type='html'>Born: 26 April 1889 in Vienna, Austria&lt;br /&gt;Died: 29 April 1951 in Cambridge, Cambridgeshire, England&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Ludwig Wittgenstein's father was Karl Wittgenstein who was Jewish while his mother was a Roman Catholic. Ludwig was baptised into the Catholic Church. His parents were both very musical and Ludwig was brought up in a home which was always filled with music, Brahms being a frequent guest. Ludwig's parents had eight children who were all highly gifted both artistically and intellectually. There were three girls, Gretl, Hermine, and Helene, and five boys Hans, Kurt, Rudolf, Paul, and Ludwig. The family were wealthy industrialists having made a fortune in the steel industry and, being one of the wealthiest families in Austria, they were able to provide the best possible education for their children. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Perhaps at this stage we should make some comments on Ludwig's brothers and sisters for it will help to understand something of Ludwig's lifestyle as he grew up and also what he went through. Three of the boys, Hans, Kurt, and Rudolf, all committed suicide later in their lives. Paul was a talented pianist who lost an arm during World War I. Ravel composed Concerto for the Left Hand for him. Gretl had her portrait painted by Gustav Klimt, the great Austrian Art Nouveau painter. Hermine wrote an important article on Wittgenstein which is published in [16] and from which we give some quotes. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Ludwig was the youngest of the children and he was educated at home until he was fourteen years of age. He showed an interest in mechanical things as he grew up and when he was ten years old he made a working sewing machine. In 1903 Wittgenstein began three years of schooling at the Realschule in Linz, Austria, which specialised in mathematics and natural science. Coming from a cultured background into a school filled with working class children gave Wittgenstein a difficult and unhappy time. He did not understand his fellow pupils and to them he seemed [16]:- &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;... like a being from another world. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;How could they be expected to understand the frail shy boy who spoke with a stammer, and whose father was one of the richest men in Austria? The school enhanced Wittgenstein's love of technology, however, and made him decide to study engineering at university. In 1906 he went to Berlin where began his studies in mechanical engineering at the Technische Hochschule in Charlottenburg. Intending to study for his doctorate in engineering, Wittgenstein went to England in 1908 and registered as a research student in an engineering laboratory of the University of Manchester. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;His first project involved the study of the behaviour of kites in the upper atmosphere of the earth. He moved from this to further study of aeronautical research, this time examining the design of a propeller with a small jet engine on the end of each blade. At this stage Wittgenstein was much more practically minded than one might suppose, given his later highly theoretical work, and he not only studied the theoretical design of the propeller but he actually built and tested it. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The tests of the propeller were successful but, needing to understand more mathematics for his research, he began a study which soon involved him in the foundations of mathematics. Russell had published his Principles of Mathematics in 1903 and Wittgenstein turned to this work as he sought a better understanding of foundations of his subject. He became so interested in Russell's work that he decided that he wanted to learn more. Wittgenstein travelled to Jena to ask Frege's advice and was told that he should study under Russell. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Wittgenstein left his aeronautical research in Manchester in 1911 to study mathematical logic with Russell in Trinity College, Cambridge. Russell was not one to be easily impressed by a student, but he was certainly very impressed by Wittgenstein. Russell wrote that teaching Wittgenstein was:- &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;... one of the most exciting intellectual adventures [of my life]. ... [Wittgenstein had] fire and penetration and intellectual purity to a quite extraordinary degree. ... [He] soon knew all that I had to teach. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Russell also wrote [14]:- &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;His disposition is that of an artist, intuitive and moody. He says every morning he begins his work with hope, and every evening he ends in despair. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;By 1912 Russell had become convinced that Wittgenstein possessed a genius which should be directed towards mathematical philosophy. He therefore persuaded Wittgenstein to give up any ideas that he still had to resume his applied mathematical work on aeronautics. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The first paper that Wittgenstein presented was to the Cambridge Philosophical Society in 1912. Entitled What is philosophy it [12]:- &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;... shows that from the very beginning Wittgenstein recognised the importance of understanding the nature of philosophical problems and of reflecting on the appropriate methods for approaching them. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;During this period at Cambridge, Wittgenstein continued to work on the foundations of mathematics and also on mathematical logic. He suffered depression, however, and threatened suicide on a number of occasions. He found Cambridge a less than ideal place to work since he felt that the academics there were merely trying to be clever in their discussions while their ideas lacked depth. When he told Russell that he wanted to leave Cambridge and go to Norway, Russell tried to dissuade him [14]:- &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;I said it would be dark, and he said he hated daylight. I said it would be lonely, and he said he prostituted his mind talking to intelligent people. I said he was mad, and he said God preserve him from sanity. (God certainly will.) &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Despite Russell's attempts to stop him, Wittgenstein went to Skjolden in Norway and this proved an extremely fruitful period during which lived in isolation working on his ideas on logic and language that would form the basis of his great work the Tractatus Logico-Philosophicus. It was also a period when he continued to suffer depression. His letters to Hermine spoke of his mental torment (see [16]) and she wrote that during this time he lived:- &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;... in a heightened state of intellectual intensity, which verged on the pathological. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;When World War I broke out in 1914 Wittgenstein immediately travelled from Skjolden to Vienna to join the Austrian army. He was keen to enlist since he wanted to face death [16]:- &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Now I should have the chance to be a decent human being, for I'm standing eye to eye with death. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;He served first on a ship then in an artillery workshop but he found his fellow soldiers very difficult as they subjected him to cruelty. In 1916 he was sent as a member of a howitzer regiment to the Russian front where he gained many distinctions for bravery. In 1918 he was sent to north Italy in an artillery regiment and he was there at the end of the war, becoming a prisoner of the Italians in Cassino. During these four years of active service Wittgenstein had written his great work in logic, the Tractatus, and the manuscript was found in his rucksack when he was taken prisoner. He was allowed to send the manuscript to Russell while he was held in a prison camp in Italy. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Having written what he believed was his final word on philosophy, Wittgenstein's intention was now to give up his study of the subject. Released from detention in 1919, he gave away the family fortune he had inherited and, in the following year, trained as a primary school teacher in Austria. He was trained in the methods of the Austrian School Reform Movement, which believed that the main aim of a teacher was to arouse a child's curiosity and to help the child develop as an independent thinker. The Movement rejected the method of teaching which encouraged children to simply learn to repeat facts. But although Wittgenstein was a strong believer in these principles and tried with great enthusiasm to provide the children that he taught in the mountain village of Wiener Neustadt with the best possible education, there were factors working against his success. Perhaps the biggest difficulty that Wittgenstein faced was that giving away the family fortune did nothing to enable someone with his highly privileged background to fit into the culture of the children of farmers who he taught. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;During this period Wittgenstein was again desperately unhappy and came close to committing suicide on a number of occasions. The thought that he was appreciated by the children kept him at his task, but he found difficulties in keeping relations between himself and the other teachers on a friendly basis. Eventually, feeling largely that he had failed as a primary school teacher, Wittgenstein gave up in 1925. He still did not feel that he wanted to return to an academic life so he worked at a number of different jobs. First he worked as a gardener's assistant in the Hüsseldorf monastery near Vienna, living in the tool-shed for three months. Then he worked as an architect for two years occupied in the design and construction of a mansion house for his sister Gretl near Vienna. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Although Wittgenstein had not wished to return to academic life during this period he was not completely isolated from the study of mathematical logic, the foundations of mathematics, and philosophy. He met with Ramsey, who was making a special study of the Tractatus and had travelled from Cambridge to Austria on several occasions to have discussions with him, and he also met with philosophers from the Vienna Circle. There have been many theories put forward to explain why he returned to academic life, but at the heart of it must be that in the discussions he had, he came to see problems with the Tractatus. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;In 1929 Wittgenstein returned to Cambridge where he submitted the Tractatus as his doctoral thesis. This work considers the relationship of language to the world. Words, Wittgenstein argued, were representations of objects and combining words led to propositions which were statements about reality, or as he says, pictures of reality. Such statements, of course, may picture a reality which is true or false. Conversely, the world as presented by Wittgenstein in the Tractatus, consists of facts. These facts can be broken down into states of affair, which in turn can be broken down into combinations of objects. This is essentially an atomic theory with the world built from simple objects. He argues that there is a bijection (one-one correspondence) between language and the world. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;In the Preface to Philosophical Investigations written sixteen years after he returned to Cambridge, Wittgenstein wrote:- &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;... since beginning to occupy myself with philosophy again, sixteen years ago, I have been forced to recognise grave mistakes in what I wrote in that first book. I was helped to realise these mistakes - to a degree which I myself am hardly able to estimate - by the criticism which my ideas encountered from Frank Ramsey, with whom I discussed them in innumerable conversations during the last two years of his life. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;However, it was not until 1953, two years after Wittgenstein's death, that this second great work Philosophical Investigations was published. In this work Wittgenstein studied [12]:- &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;... the philosophy of language and philosophical psychology. ... the form of the book is quite unique. ... we first get a part of 693 distinct, numbered remarks, varying in length from one line to several paragraphs, and a second part of fourteen sections, half a page to thirty-six pages long ... instead of presenting arguments and clearly stated conclusions, these remarks reflect on a wide range of topics without ever producing a clear final statement on any of them. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;How does his approach in the Philosophical Investigations differ from that in the Tractatus ? He is still concerned with language, but in his later thinking words are not unvarying representations of objects, but rather are diverse. He draws an analogy between words and tools in a tool-box:- &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;... there is a hammer, pliers, a saw, a screw-driver, a ruler, a glue-pot, nails and screws. The function of words are as diverse as the functions of these objects. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;It was not that a words had a meaning, rather it had a use. Another illustration that he gives is an analogy between words and pieces in a chess game. The meaning of a chess piece is not determined by its physical appearance, rather it is determined by the rules of chess. Similarly the meaning of a word is its use governed by rules. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;After the award of his doctorate, Wittgenstein was appointed a lecturer at Cambridge and he was made a fellow of Trinity College. In the following years Wittgenstein lectured there on logic, language, and the philosophy of mathematics. He was appointed to the chair in philosophy at Cambridge in 1939. Malcolm, a student of Wittgenstein, writes in [10] about Wittgenstein's lectures which he attended in 1939:- &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;His lectures were given without preparation and without notes. He told me once that he tried to lecture from notes but was disgusted with the result; the thoughts that came out were 'stale', or, as he put it to another friend, the words looked like 'corpses' when he began to read them. In the methods that he came to use, his only preparation for the lecture, as he told me, was to spend a few minutes before the class met, recollecting the course that the inquiry had taken at the previous meeting. At the beginning of the lecture he would give a brief summary of this and then he would start from there, trying to advance the investigation with fresh thoughts. ... [W]hat occurred in these class meetings was largely new research. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;G H von Wright was a pupil of Wittgenstein at Cambridge. He writes [10]:- &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Wittgenstein thought that his influence as a teacher was, on the whole, harmful to the development of independent minds in his disciples. I am afraid that he was right. And I believe that I can partly understand why it should be so. Because of the depth and originality of his thinking, it is very difficult to understand Wittgenstein's ideas and even more difficult t incorporate them into one's own thinking. At the same time the magic of his personality and style was most inviting and persuasive. to learn from Wittgenstein without coming to adopt his forms of expression and catchwords and even to imitate his tone of voice, his mien and gestures was almost impossible. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;There is a suggestion here that Wittgenstein would never have fitted in as the leader of a large group of students and researchers. Although he did have students who went on produce important work, yet remain true to his way of thinking, Wittgenstein always seemed an isolated figure. He seemed to understand the reasons for this when he wrote:- &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Am I the only one who cannot found a school or can a philosopher never do this? I cannot found a school because I do not really want to be imitated. Not at any rate by those who publish articles in philosophy journals. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Wittgenstein remained at Cambridge until he resigned in 1947 except for the period of World War II during which he worked as a hospital porter in Guy's Hospital in London. He also spent time working as a laboratory assistant in the Royal Victoria Infirmary before returning to his duties at Cambridge in 1944. After three years back at Cambridge he retired and moved to an isolated cottage on the west coast of Ireland. His health deteriorated and in 1949 cancer was diagnosed. Wittgenstein did not seem unhappy at the diagnosis since he said that he did not wish to live any longer. He continued to work on his ideas until a few days before his death, the power and depth of his intellect being undiminished by illness. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;McGinn, in [12], gives a fair estimate of Wittgenstein:- &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The power and originality of his thought show a unique philosophical mind and many would be happy to call him a genius. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Wittgenstein was never happy with his own writings and as a result only the one major work, the Tractatus, was published during his life. A wealth of material from his lectures and notes has subsequently been published. That his ideas are found difficult is something that he was well aware of and he felt that in some way he did not fit into the world in which he lived. Let us end with a quote from his own writing about why ideas are found difficult:- &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Why is philosophy so complicated? It ought to be entirely simple. Philosophy unties the knots in our thinking that we have, in a senseless way, put there. To do this it must make movements that are just as complicated as these knots. Although the result of philosophy is simple, its method cannot be if it is to succeed. The complexity of philosophy is not a complexity of its subject matter, but of our knotted understanding.&lt;div class="blogger-post-footer"&gt;&lt;img width='1' height='1' src='https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/tracker/8328808403424165981-3967841889156471107?l=fixcentenario.blogspot.com' alt='' /&gt;&lt;/div&gt;</content><link rel='replies' type='application/atom+xml' href='http://fixcentenario.blogspot.com/feeds/3967841889156471107/comments/default' title='Post Comments'/><link rel='replies' type='text/html' href='http://www.blogger.com/comment.g?blogID=8328808403424165981&amp;postID=3967841889156471107' title='0 Comments'/><link rel='edit' type='application/atom+xml' href='http://www.blogger.com/feeds/8328808403424165981/posts/default/3967841889156471107'/><link rel='self' type='application/atom+xml' href='http://www.blogger.com/feeds/8328808403424165981/posts/default/3967841889156471107'/><link rel='alternate' type='text/html' href='http://fixcentenario.blogspot.com/2009/06/wittgenstein.html' title='Wittgenstein'/><author><name>education</name><uri>http://www.blogger.com/profile/12343022453805740638</uri><email>noreply@blogger.com</email><gd:image rel='http://schemas.google.com/g/2005#thumbnail' width='16' height='16' src='http://img2.blogblog.com/img/b16-rounded.gif'/></author><thr:total>0</thr:total></entry><entry><id>tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8328808403424165981.post-1677641477754231377</id><published>2009-06-21T18:47:00.000-07:00</published><updated>2009-06-21T18:50:45.123-07:00</updated><title type='text'>Urban Social Processes</title><content type='html'>Title:  The role of social networks in employment processes in urban China &lt;br /&gt;Authors:  Huang, Xianbi &lt;br /&gt;Issue Date:  2006  &lt;br /&gt;Abstract:  The central theme of this dissertation is that social networks play an important role in employment processes in reform-era urban China. Three dimensions of this role are investigated, including the relative efficacy of social networks as compared to other job search channels, social resources transmitted through social networks, and the effect of social networks on labor market outcomes. Based on in-depth interviews and case studies in Chinese cities, an institutional framework has been developed to formulate hypotheses about the first two dimensions, and a job matching model is proposed to study empirical implications of the third dimension. Quantitative analyses of Chinese five-city survey data show that social networks have a significant effect in helping job applicants to obtain jobs in economic sectors of varying ownership forms and institutional arrangements. Furthermore, the impact of social networks on finding soft-skill jobs is remarkable; compared to the technical jobs, the communication and service jobs are more possible to be obtained via social networks. In addition, as a type of resource transmitted through social networks, influence presents a significant effect in finding jobs located in different institutional spheres than information does. As proved in the job matching model, social networks that are employed by job seekers and by prospective employers, respectively, tend to enhance job matches and have significant effects on other labor market outcomes. &lt;br /&gt;Description:  Thesis (Ph.D.)--Hong Kong University of Science and Technology, 2006&lt;br /&gt;x, 145 leaves : ill. ; 30 cm&lt;br /&gt;HKUST Call Number: Thesis SOSC 2006 Huang &lt;br /&gt;URI:  http://hdl.handle.net/1783.1/2702&lt;div class="blogger-post-footer"&gt;&lt;img width='1' height='1' src='https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/tracker/8328808403424165981-1677641477754231377?l=fixcentenario.blogspot.com' alt='' /&gt;&lt;/div&gt;</content><link rel='replies' type='application/atom+xml' href='http://fixcentenario.blogspot.com/feeds/1677641477754231377/comments/default' title='Post Comments'/><link rel='replies' type='text/html' href='http://www.blogger.com/comment.g?blogID=8328808403424165981&amp;postID=1677641477754231377' title='0 Comments'/><link rel='edit' type='application/atom+xml' href='http://www.blogger.com/feeds/8328808403424165981/posts/default/1677641477754231377'/><link rel='self' type='application/atom+xml' href='http://www.blogger.com/feeds/8328808403424165981/posts/default/1677641477754231377'/><link rel='alternate' type='text/html' href='http://fixcentenario.blogspot.com/2009/06/urban-social-processes.html' title='Urban Social Processes'/><author><name>education</name><uri>http://www.blogger.com/profile/12343022453805740638</uri><email>noreply@blogger.com</email><gd:image rel='http://schemas.google.com/g/2005#thumbnail' width='16' height='16' src='http://img2.blogblog.com/img/b16-rounded.gif'/></author><thr:total>0</thr:total></entry><entry><id>tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8328808403424165981.post-5469780121764854461</id><published>2009-06-21T18:41:00.000-07:00</published><updated>2009-06-21T18:46:05.900-07:00</updated><title type='text'>Social Theory</title><content type='html'>Social theory is the use of theoretical frameworks to study and interpret social structures and phenomena within a particular school of thought.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;An essential tool used by scholars in the analysis of society, social theories are interdisciplinary, drawing ideas from and contributing to such disciplines as anthropology, economics, history, human geography, literary theory, mass communications, philosophy, sociology, and theology.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Тhe origins of social theory are difficult to pinpoint, but many arguments return to Ancient Greece. Berch Berberoglu cites Plato, Socrates and Aristotle as influencing social theory throughout the enlightenment up to the late nineteenth and early twentieth century (Berberoglu 2005, p. xi). "Critical" social theories, such as neomarxist theories and feminist theories, argue that because theories are generally based on premises that entail normative positions, it is necessary to critique the ideological aspects of theories and related oppressive social relations.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Social theory as a discipline&lt;br /&gt;Harrington (2005) discusses the etymology of social theory, stating that while the term did not exist in any language before the twentieth century, its origins are ancient and lie in two words; ‘social’ from the Latin socius and ‘theory’ from the Greek theoria. Social theorising aided the Greeks in making sense of their lives, and in questioning the value and meaning of things around them.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Social theory as a distinct discipline emerged in the 20th century and was largely equated with an attitude of critical thinking, based on rationality, logic and objectivity, and the desire for knowledge through aposteriori methods of discovery, rather than apriori methods of tradition. With this in mind it is easy to link social theory to deeper seated philosophical discussions.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;[edit] Social theory in relation to the natural sciences&lt;br /&gt;Compared to disciplines within the objective natural sciences -- such as physics or chemistry -- social theorists may make less use of the scientific method, and their conclusions and data can be interpreted more subjectively. While standards of rigor do exist within quantitative social science methodologies, their precision is bounded by a degree of uncertainty inherent in human behavior. However, because experiments in the natural sciences are necessarily social artifacts, and social theory treats social artifacts as being constructed, social theorists posit that even experiments in the natural sciences and their concomitant results are social constructions. Social theories can complement research in the natural sciences and vice-versa.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The concept that social theory may supersede certain aspects of the natural sciences is called the social construction of reality. Social theory takes knowledge, the manner in which we acquire knowledge, and the institutions by which knowledge is reified and disseminated among a human collectivity to be socially constructed. In effect, the laws of nature can only be derived using social tools within a social context. According to social theory, the understanding of natural phenomena is predicated on the understanding of social phenomena, as the interpretation of natural phenomena is a social activity.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;This interpretation of the natural sciences leads to some deeper epistemological questions. By questioning the methods by which we deem knowledge to be "objective," we necessarily put into question any scientific knowledge whatsoever. Social theory does not exist in mutual exclusion to the natural sciences; one is often complementary to the other. Rather, social theory calls for natural scientists to examine their methodologies with a critical eye by situating said methodologies within a social context.&lt;div class="blogger-post-footer"&gt;&lt;img width='1' height='1' src='https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/tracker/8328808403424165981-5469780121764854461?l=fixcentenario.blogspot.com' alt='' /&gt;&lt;/div&gt;</content><link rel='replies' type='application/atom+xml' href='http://fixcentenario.blogspot.com/feeds/5469780121764854461/comments/default' title='Post Comments'/><link rel='replies' type='text/html' href='http://www.blogger.com/comment.g?blogID=8328808403424165981&amp;postID=5469780121764854461' title='0 Comments'/><link rel='edit' type='application/atom+xml' href='http://www.blogger.com/feeds/8328808403424165981/posts/default/5469780121764854461'/><link rel='self' type='application/atom+xml' href='http://www.blogger.com/feeds/8328808403424165981/posts/default/5469780121764854461'/><link rel='alternate' type='text/html' href='http://fixcentenario.blogspot.com/2009/06/social-theory.html' title='Social Theory'/><author><name>education</name><uri>http://www.blogger.com/profile/12343022453805740638</uri><email>noreply@blogger.com</email><gd:image rel='http://schemas.google.com/g/2005#thumbnail' width='16' height='16' src='http://img2.blogblog.com/img/b16-rounded.gif'/></author><thr:total>0</thr:total></entry><entry><id>tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8328808403424165981.post-8362802839093121111</id><published>2009-06-21T18:36:00.000-07:00</published><updated>2009-06-21T18:40:59.876-07:00</updated><title type='text'>THESE ARE MY NEW CLASSES THAT I AM GOING TO TAKE THIS SEMESTER</title><content type='html'>&lt;strong&gt;Social Theory&lt;br /&gt;Urban Social Processes&lt;br /&gt;Wittgenstein &lt;/strong&gt;&lt;div class="blogger-post-footer"&gt;&lt;img width='1' height='1' src='https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/tracker/8328808403424165981-8362802839093121111?l=fixcentenario.blogspot.com' alt='' /&gt;&lt;/div&gt;</content><link rel='replies' type='application/atom+xml' href='http://fixcentenario.blogspot.com/feeds/8362802839093121111/comments/default' title='Post Comments'/><link rel='replies' type='text/html' href='http://www.blogger.com/comment.g?blogID=8328808403424165981&amp;postID=8362802839093121111' title='0 Comments'/><link rel='edit' type='application/atom+xml' href='http://www.blogger.com/feeds/8328808403424165981/posts/default/8362802839093121111'/><link rel='self' type='application/atom+xml' href='http://www.blogger.com/feeds/8328808403424165981/posts/default/8362802839093121111'/><link rel='alternate' type='text/html' href='http://fixcentenario.blogspot.com/2009/06/these-are-my-new-classes-that-i-am.html' title='THESE ARE MY NEW CLASSES THAT I AM GOING TO TAKE THIS SEMESTER'/><author><name>education</name><uri>http://www.blogger.com/profile/12343022453805740638</uri><email>noreply@blogger.com</email><gd:image rel='http://schemas.google.com/g/2005#thumbnail' width='16' height='16' src='http://img2.blogblog.com/img/b16-rounded.gif'/></author><thr:total>0</thr:total></entry><entry><id>tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8328808403424165981.post-5172913926066693095</id><published>2009-05-31T09:41:00.000-07:00</published><updated>2009-05-31T09:43:07.827-07:00</updated><title type='text'>Reproduction of Race and Racial Ideologies</title><content type='html'>Wheeler, Roxann.&lt;br /&gt;The Complexion of Desire: Racial Ideology and Mid-Eighteenth-Century British Novels&lt;br /&gt;Eighteenth-Century Studies - Volume 32, Number 3, Spring 1999, pp. 309-332&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The Johns Hopkins University Press &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Roxann Wheeler - The Complexion of Desire: Racial Ideology and Mid-Eighteenth-Century British Novels - Eighteenth-Century Studies 32:3 Eighteenth-Century Studies 32.3 (1999) 309-332 The Complexion of Desire: Racial Ideology and Mid-Eighteenth-Century British Novels Roxann Wheeler [A] man ennobles the woman he takes, be she who she will; and adopts her into his own rank, be it what it will: but a woman, though ever so nobly born, debases herself by a mean marriage, and descends from her own rank, to that of him she stoops to marry. --Samuel Richardson, Pamela (1740) The lower class of women in England, are remarkably fond of the blacks...in the course of a few generations more, the English blood will become so contaminated with this mixture,...this alloy may spread so extensively, as even to reach the middle, and then the higher orders of the people, till the whole nation resembles the Portuguese and Moriscos in complexion of skin and baseness of mind. --Edward Long, Candid Reflections (1772) The eminent Jamaican historian and English patriot Edward Long is possibly the most often-cited racist of the eighteenth century, but his assumptions about the link between complexion and moral probity and the undesirable effects of racial mixture represented an emerging minority position in Britain rather than an established concern. This essay situates Long's diatribe in its historical context by examining a significant way that Britons construed human... &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Project MUSE® - Download/Export Citation&lt;br /&gt;MLA &lt;br /&gt;APA &lt;br /&gt;Chicago &lt;br /&gt;Endnote &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;--------------------------------------------------------------------------------&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Wheeler, Roxann. "The Complexion of Desire: Racial Ideology and Mid-Eighteenth-Century British Novels." Eighteenth-Century Studies 32.3 (1999): 309-332. Project MUSE. [Library name], [City], [State abbreviation]. 31 May. 2009 &lt;http://muse.jhu.edu/&gt;. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;--------------------------------------------------------------------------------&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Always review your references for accuracy and make any necessary corrections before using. Pay special attention to personal names, capitalization, and dates. Consult your library or click here for more information on citing sources. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;--------------------------------------------------------------------------------&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Wheeler, Roxann. (1999). The complexion of desire: Racial ideology and mid-eighteenth-century british novels. Eighteenth-Century Studies 32(3), 309-332. Retrieved May 31, 2009, from Project MUSE database. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;--------------------------------------------------------------------------------&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Always review your references for accuracy and make any necessary corrections before using. Pay special attention to personal names, capitalization, and dates. Consult your library or click here for more information on citing sources. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;--------------------------------------------------------------------------------&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Wheeler, Roxann. "The Complexion of Desire: Racial Ideology and Mid-Eighteenth-Century British Novels." Eighteenth-Century Studies 32, no. 3 (1999): 309-332. http://muse.jhu.edu/ (accessed May 31, 2009). &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;--------------------------------------------------------------------------------&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Always review your references for accuracy and make any necessary corrections before using. Pay special attention to personal names, capitalization, and dates. Consult your library or click here for more information on citing sources. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;--------------------------------------------------------------------------------&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;TY - JOUR&lt;br /&gt;T1 - The Complexion of Desire: Racial Ideology and Mid-Eighteenth-Century British Novels&lt;br /&gt;A1 - Wheeler, Roxann.&lt;br /&gt;JF - Eighteenth-Century Studies&lt;br /&gt;VL - 32&lt;br /&gt;IS - 3&lt;br /&gt;SP - 309&lt;br /&gt;EP - 332&lt;br /&gt;Y1 - 1999&lt;br /&gt;PB - The Johns Hopkins University Press&lt;br /&gt;SN - 1086-315X&lt;br /&gt;UR - http://muse.jhu.edu/journals/eighteenth-century_studies/v032/32.3wheeler.html&lt;br /&gt;N1 - Volume 32, Number 3, Spring 1999&lt;br /&gt;ER - &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;--------------------------------------------------------------------------------&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Always review your references for accuracy and make any necessary corrections before using. Pay special attention to personal names, capitalization, and dates. Consult your library or click here for more information on citing sources.&lt;div class="blogger-post-footer"&gt;&lt;img width='1' height='1' src='https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/tracker/8328808403424165981-5172913926066693095?l=fixcentenario.blogspot.com' alt='' /&gt;&lt;/div&gt;</content><link rel='replies' type='application/atom+xml' href='http://fixcentenario.blogspot.com/feeds/5172913926066693095/comments/default' title='Post Comments'/><link rel='replies' type='text/html' href='http://www.blogger.com/comment.g?blogID=8328808403424165981&amp;postID=5172913926066693095' title='0 Comments'/><link rel='edit' type='application/atom+xml' href='http://www.blogger.com/feeds/8328808403424165981/posts/default/5172913926066693095'/><link rel='self' type='application/atom+xml' href='http://www.blogger.com/feeds/8328808403424165981/posts/default/5172913926066693095'/><link rel='alternate' type='text/html' href='http://fixcentenario.blogspot.com/2009/05/reproduction-of-race-and-racial_9509.html' title='Reproduction of Race and Racial Ideologies'/><author><name>education</name><uri>http://www.blogger.com/profile/12343022453805740638</uri><email>noreply@blogger.com</email><gd:image rel='http://schemas.google.com/g/2005#thumbnail' width='16' height='16' src='http://img2.blogblog.com/img/b16-rounded.gif'/></author><thr:total>0</thr:total></entry><entry><id>tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8328808403424165981.post-5531277626152406061</id><published>2009-05-31T09:36:00.000-07:00</published><updated>2009-05-31T09:41:13.360-07:00</updated><title type='text'>Poetry and Poetics</title><content type='html'>Kevin KALISH The Invention of a Poetic Tradition:&lt;br /&gt;Greek Christian Poetry and its Modern Reception&lt;br /&gt;At the beginning of the sixteenth century, Aldus Manutius published an important collection of&lt;br /&gt;classical poetry entitled Poetae Christiani Veteres. Such a collection may strike the modern classical&lt;br /&gt;scholar as odd—ancient poets are fine, but ancient Christian poets? His collection is remarkable because&lt;br /&gt;it presents, for the first time in Western Europe, an anthology of Greek Christian poets—Gregory of&lt;br /&gt;Nazianzus, John of Damascus, Nonnos’ paraphrase of the Gospel of John—alongside more familiar Latin&lt;br /&gt;poets of late antiquity (Prudentius, Juvencus, etc). Aldus’ compilation raises many questions: Was there&lt;br /&gt;the notion of a school of Greek Christian poets before Aldus published this anthology? Likewise, why&lt;br /&gt;has this tradition faded from memory? In this paper, I will explore how this tradition emerged in late&lt;br /&gt;antiquity and how it was transmitted, both to the Renaissance and beyond.&lt;br /&gt;The phenomenon of a school of Greek Christian poets allows us to examine the tradition of Greek&lt;br /&gt;poetry across many centuries and across many cultural divides. This school emerged in the fourth and&lt;br /&gt;fifth centuries at a time of great cultural transition. At a time when poetic activity was flourishing, these&lt;br /&gt;Greek Christian poets—among the most prominent was Gregory of Nazianzus, author of some 17,000&lt;br /&gt;lines of verse—sought to write themselves into the history of ancient Greek poetry. These Christian poets&lt;br /&gt;became, at least to Byzantine readers, part of an unbroken tradition with the poets of antiquity. For&lt;br /&gt;example, most classicists are familiar with Eustathius, the Byzantine commentator on Homer—but few&lt;br /&gt;know that he also wrote learned commentaries on the great hymn writer John of Damascus.&lt;br /&gt;This paper, in addition to exploring how Christian poets created a tradition of continuity with the&lt;br /&gt;past, will also look at how this poetry was subsequently received. It would be wrong to speak of a single&lt;br /&gt;tradition, since the fate of these poets varied across cultures. This school of Greek poets did not fare so&lt;br /&gt;well in Western Europe after the Renaissance. They only come onto the horizon again during the&lt;br /&gt;nineteenth century in conjunction with the Oxford movement: Cardinal Newman translated some of&lt;br /&gt;Gregory of Nazianzus’ poems and Elizabeth Barrett Browning even wrote an essay on “The Greek&lt;br /&gt;Christian Poets.” Yet in Greece and Russia—cultures historically linked to Byzantium—the situation has&lt;br /&gt;been different. A number of handbooks on Byzantine hymnography exist in Modern Greek and each has&lt;br /&gt;a section on the poets of the classical tradition. But one of the most interesting and unique books on this&lt;br /&gt;subject is one that is not well known in classical or even Byzantine scholarship: the Russian scholar&lt;br /&gt;Sergei Averintsev’s Poetika Rannevizantiiskoi Literatury. Thus what we must explain is not only the&lt;br /&gt;creation of tradition in late antiquity, but also the various transmissions and receptions of this tradition—&lt;br /&gt;and these paths take us from Byzantium to the Italian Renaissance to the wide-ranging world of modern&lt;br /&gt;scholarship.&lt;div class="blogger-post-footer"&gt;&lt;img width='1' height='1' src='https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/tracker/8328808403424165981-5531277626152406061?l=fixcentenario.blogspot.com' alt='' /&gt;&lt;/div&gt;</content><link rel='replies' type='application/atom+xml' href='http://fixcentenario.blogspot.com/feeds/5531277626152406061/comments/default' title='Post Comments'/><link rel='replies' type='text/html' href='http://www.blogger.com/comment.g?blogID=8328808403424165981&amp;postID=5531277626152406061' title='0 Comments'/><link rel='edit' type='application/atom+xml' href='http://www.blogger.com/feeds/8328808403424165981/posts/default/5531277626152406061'/><link rel='self' type='application/atom+xml' href='http://www.blogger.com/feeds/8328808403424165981/posts/default/5531277626152406061'/><link rel='alternate' type='text/html' href='http://fixcentenario.blogspot.com/2009/05/poetry-and-poetics_5694.html' title='Poetry and Poetics'/><author><name>education</name><uri>http://www.blogger.com/profile/12343022453805740638</uri><email>noreply@blogger.com</email><gd:image rel='http://schemas.google.com/g/2005#thumbnail' width='16' height='16' src='http://img2.blogblog.com/img/b16-rounded.gif'/></author><thr:total>0</thr:total></entry><entry><id>tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8328808403424165981.post-4345288905934154979</id><published>2009-05-31T09:33:00.000-07:00</published><updated>2009-05-31T09:36:50.575-07:00</updated><title type='text'>Semiology</title><content type='html'>Body language A term used in social psychology to refer to the gestures, facial expressions, and bodily postures adopted by people in social interaction. Just as oral and written language expresses our ideas, thoughts, and emotions, so our bodies are said to express a series of unspoken (some say unconsciously articulated) messages, by means of posture and such like. The alternative term ‘kinesics’ is sometimes used in psychology, to refer both to the body movements which convey information in the absence of speech, and the study of such movements.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Non-verbal communication Forms of communication which do not rely on the spoken or written word. Facial gestures and hand signals can often give messages to another person without a word being said. In some cultures, for example, the reverse ‘V’ sign often speaks louder than words. Most such forms of communication, including rude gestures, are culturally specific in their meanings.&lt;div class="blogger-post-footer"&gt;&lt;img width='1' height='1' src='https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/tracker/8328808403424165981-4345288905934154979?l=fixcentenario.blogspot.com' alt='' /&gt;&lt;/div&gt;</content><link rel='replies' type='application/atom+xml' href='http://fixcentenario.blogspot.com/feeds/4345288905934154979/comments/default' title='Post Comments'/><link rel='replies' type='text/html' href='http://www.blogger.com/comment.g?blogID=8328808403424165981&amp;postID=4345288905934154979' title='0 Comments'/><link rel='edit' type='application/atom+xml' href='http://www.blogger.com/feeds/8328808403424165981/posts/default/4345288905934154979'/><link rel='self' type='application/atom+xml' href='http://www.blogger.com/feeds/8328808403424165981/posts/default/4345288905934154979'/><link rel='alternate' type='text/html' href='http://fixcentenario.blogspot.com/2009/05/semiology_31.html' title='Semiology'/><author><name>education</name><uri>http://www.blogger.com/profile/12343022453805740638</uri><email>noreply@blogger.com</email><gd:image rel='http://schemas.google.com/g/2005#thumbnail' width='16' height='16' src='http://img2.blogblog.com/img/b16-rounded.gif'/></author><thr:total>0</thr:total></entry><entry><id>tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8328808403424165981.post-6004886432671005266</id><published>2009-05-31T09:31:00.000-07:00</published><updated>2009-05-31T09:33:17.373-07:00</updated><title type='text'>Rhetoric and Poetics</title><content type='html'>Aristotle  &lt;br /&gt; &lt;br /&gt;Poetics and Rhetoric&lt;br /&gt; &lt;br /&gt;Like the Politics, Aristotle's Poetics continues to remain a staple of academic study. At the same time, it also requires context, since the genres of literature have expanded and evolved in so many ways. Aristotle treats the principles of creative writing in general, but his primary focus is on tragedy (it is likely that a parallel treatment of comedy has been lost). While he does consider the epic in some depth, he gives little attention to lyric poetry. Most likely, he believed that this study belonged to the theory of music, though for us the term poetics, as we should expect from the similar cases of physics and psychology, is misleading.&lt;br /&gt; &lt;br /&gt;Aristotle establishes early on that with creative writing and perhaps art in general, our concern should be with form rather than purpose. He is not interested in didacticism, but rather poetry as mimesis (a representation). He then goes on to enumerate the characteristics of tragedy, usually referring to Oedipus as his favorite example. Aristotle's approach was decidedly scientific, and to modern readers this might seem incongruous for such a subjective field. He used some form of the scientific method, examining a good number of plays and drawing generalizations from his evidence. His definition of tragedy is perhaps of primary importance: "Tragedy is the representation of an action which is serious, complete in itself, and of a certain limited length; it is expressed in speech beautified in different ways in different parts of the play; it is acted not merely recited; and by exciting pity and fear it produced relief from such emotions." In some senses this definition is very comprehensive, for it explains some of the greatest plays of Aristotle's era. On the other hand, any definition that attempts to be so specific necessarily excludes cases that are traditionally thought to fit the term being defined. Many plays of the period would offer us grounds for protest, not to mention the works of Shakespeare, which often depart from these strict guidelines.&lt;br /&gt; &lt;br /&gt;Aristotle continues with his scientific analysis of tragedy, dividing it into the following elements: plot, character, diction, thought, song, and spectacle. Of these six, plot is undoubtedly the most important, as it drives the play–Aristotle believed strongly that character alone was not enough to make a tragedy. He then goes on to separate out the elements of a plot and to demonstrate what constitutes a strong tragedy. Two of the most important are reversals and recognition. A reversal takes place when a key action designed to produce one result actually leads to its opposite. Aristotle's example is when the messenger comes to Oedipus to alleviate his worries, but in the act of revelation actually discloses the information that will lead to Oedipus's downfall. Recognition involves the change from ignorance to understanding, and the ultimate climax of a tragedy comes when recognition and reversal coincide.&lt;br /&gt; &lt;br /&gt;As with poetics, Aristotle treats rhetoric as a science, though it is not strictly one. He believes that its study is important for a number of reasons: it can assist in the defense of truth and justice; it can persuade a less intellectual audience that fails to comprehend intellectual demonstration; and it ensures that both sides are considered. Three factors contribute to rhetoric: the personal character of the speaker, the mood that he induces in the audience, and the arguments themselves. His main tools of argumentation are the example and the enthymeme (an argument that could be reduced logically to a syllogism).&lt;br /&gt; &lt;br /&gt;Aristotle continues to add divisions, with the application of rhetoric falling into three branches: that of the political assembly, the law courts, and the ceremonial occasion. The remainder of the work consists of further divisions and categories, together with methods of maximizing the effect of one's rhetoric. He also includes a list of nine types of fallacious reasoning, such as generalizing from a single instance, or reversing a premise to reach a false conclusion (e.g., "All young persons are immature. X is a young person. Therefore X is a immature.").&lt;br /&gt; &lt;br /&gt;Both Rhetoric and Poetics have had lasting influences. Many still consider his Rhetoric to be helpful as a guideline for speakers, while his Poetics is in many ways a groundwork of literary criticism. While many specific areas have inevitably and long since become dated, many of Aristotle's general principles continue to underlie even modern works.&lt;div class="blogger-post-footer"&gt;&lt;img width='1' height='1' src='https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/tracker/8328808403424165981-6004886432671005266?l=fixcentenario.blogspot.com' alt='' /&gt;&lt;/div&gt;</content><link rel='replies' type='application/atom+xml' href='http://fixcentenario.blogspot.com/feeds/6004886432671005266/comments/default' title='Post Comments'/><link rel='replies' type='text/html' href='http://www.blogger.com/comment.g?blogID=8328808403424165981&amp;postID=6004886432671005266' title='0 Comments'/><link rel='edit' type='application/atom+xml' href='http://www.blogger.com/feeds/8328808403424165981/posts/default/6004886432671005266'/><link rel='self' type='application/atom+xml' href='http://www.blogger.com/feeds/8328808403424165981/posts/default/6004886432671005266'/><link rel='alternate' type='text/html' href='http://fixcentenario.blogspot.com/2009/05/rhetoric-and-poetics_31.html' title='Rhetoric and Poetics'/><author><name>education</name><uri>http://www.blogger.com/profile/12343022453805740638</uri><email>noreply@blogger.com</email><gd:image rel='http://schemas.google.com/g/2005#thumbnail' width='16' height='16' src='http://img2.blogblog.com/img/b16-rounded.gif'/></author><thr:total>0</thr:total></entry><entry><id>tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-8328808403424165981.post-2813712444574362257</id><published>2009-05-31T09:28:00.000-07:00</published><updated>2009-05-31T09:31:01.858-07:00</updated><title type='text'>Reproduction of Race and Racial Ideologies</title><content type='html'>Africanus&lt;br /&gt;Journal of Development Studies&lt;br /&gt;Vol 37 No 2 2007&lt;br /&gt;ISSN 0304-615x&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Download the full 296-page 4.5MB PDF file of this theoretical magazine free at:&lt;br /&gt;http://www.nu.ac.za/ccs/files/africanus_1.pdf&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Capitalism and racist forms of political domination&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;David Masondo&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Department of Politics, University of the Witwatersrand&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Abstract&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;South African political economy has long been pre-occupied with the relationships between class, racist and patriarchal forms of political domination. These relationships are not only contentious between Marxists and non-Marxists but also within these schools. At the heart of the older scholarly debate, dating to the 1960s, is the extent to which racial domination, in particular Apartheid was functional for capital accumulation. Subsequent Marxist political economists failed to apply dialectical method thoroughly, and thus did not theorise the relationship between race and capitalism as contradictory. Worse, unreconstructed vulgar Marxism and modernisation theory have together supported the conceptual underpinnings of neoliberalism, which attempts to draw the ‘second economy’ into the ‘first’ so as to expand the market.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;1 INTRODUCTION&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;South Africa has been varyingly characterised as suffering from Colonialism of a Special Type or ‘CST’ (by the SA Communist Party), ‘racial capitalism’ (John Saul and Stephen Gelb), ‘the articulation of modes of production’ (Harold Wolpe), ‘racial Fordism’ (Gelb), ‘uneven and combined development’ (Patrick Bond and Ashwin Desai), the ‘Minerals-Energy-Complex’ (Ben Fine and Zav Rustomjee) and control by ‘fractions of capital’ (Rob Davies and David Kaplan).&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The theoretical debate needs revisiting at a time when liberalism is returning to its dualist perspective on the South African social formation. Liberals have tradition- ally argued that the economy was divided into two. The first economy (capitalist) was a desirable model for development, while the pre-capitalist was traditional and backward, and had to be obliterated. It was argued then – and now – that the two modes were structurally disconnected, and that capitalism would modernise and swallow the pre-capitalist forms. The demise of apartheid is indeed celebrated in these terms by liberals – namely that capitalist growth undermined racist irrationality (Michael O’Dowd). (In reality, it was capitalist crisis that finally broke the relationship between white English-speaking capitalists and the racist rulers in Pretoria during the mid- and late1980s.)&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;In contrast, this article reclaims from Marxist political economy an organic conception of the connection between capitalism and pre-capitalist modes of production. The functional relationship between the two was systematically theorised in Wolpe’s work (1975). The liberals maintained that racism was dysfunctional for capital accumulation. But as we will see, Marxist political economists did not stretch the dialectical method far enough, for they should have theorised the relationship between race and capitalism as more contradictory – a realisation that Wolpe came to in his arguments from the early 1970s to late 1980s.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Wolpe (1988) ultimately analysed what he termed the ‘conjunctural’ relationship between capitalism and racist forms of political domination: there is no necessary functional relationship between racist forms of political domination and capitalism, and therefore the destruction of the former does not necessarily mean the end of the latter. In other words, the end of national oppression does not mean the end of capitalism. Nevertheless, South African capitalism had an opportunistic relationship with racist political domination, which became dysfunctional due to the working class struggle and the rise in the organic composition of capital (a point we return to later).&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Unfortunately, I will conclude, a combination of unreconstructed vulgar Marxism1 and modernisation theory have provided the conceptual basis for contemporary neoliberalism, which is dressed up as the ‘first economy’ drawing in the ‘second economy’ to a successful market process. The racial Fordism thesis (Gelb) provided a foundation for export-led growth strategies. The CST and its National Democratic Revolution (NDR) strategy is also used by some in the African National Congress to justify the current neoliberal incorporation of the emerging black bourgeoisie into the structure of capital accumulation. However, the neoliberal approach, and creation of black capital, is not necessarily inscribed in the NDR itself.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;2 LIBERAL DUALISM&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The dualist conceptual separation of politics from economics made it possible for liberals to artificially separate racial political domination and capital accumulation. They saw racism as an inherent obstacle to the industrialisation and modernisation project. The early liberalism was predicated on the Victorian liberal dualism of civilisation and barbarism (Macmillan 1930). The former was associated with whiteness and the latter with blackness.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Liberals argued that racism was incompatible with capitalism, and they believed that the development of capitalism would eventually get rid of racism. The liberal paradigm borrowed from modernisation theory which argues that pre-capitalist institutions, ideology (racism) and culture are not compatible with the capitalist growth. Liberal dualism counterpoised capitalist rationality against pre-capitalist irrationality. W.W. Rostow’s stage theory provided a theoretical arsenal for liberals to argue for the teleological obliteration of both the pre-capitalist modes of production and of state racism (O’Dowd 1996 and Houghton 1964).&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Hutt (1964), one of early liberal political economist theorists, argued that if the English in South Africa had continued with the development of a liberal economy it would have prevented or ameliorated the racist forms of political domination which were part of the pre-industrial attitudes which impeded the development of capitalism in South Africa. From his perspective, racial prejudice was a manifestation of irrational customs which will dissolve under the pressure of economic rationality. Restriction on the investment to the reserves by the apartheid state has prevented the industrialisation, which would have led to the eradication of the tribal customs and traditions, liberal political economists argued.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;According to Hutt (1964), African wages were low not because of the rate of exploitation, but because black workers’ needs were less, and because they did not like accumulation of private property (except in the form of cattle). Hutt’s theorisation is misleading because it assumes that there is only one form of capitalism which is static, and that racial capitalism was not capitalism. Furthermore, it is also historically inaccurate that capitalism did not provide support to racist forms of political domination. For instance, mine owners drafted the Law No. 23 of 1895, which imposed passes on Africans working on the mines in order to curb their movement in search for better wages in other sectors of the economy.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;3 MARXIST FUNCTIONALISM&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Marxian political economists challenged the idea that racial domination has always distorted and impeded capitalist accumulation. In rebutting the modernisation and liberal theory advocated by Houghton and others – with its implication that South African capitalism could not develop because of ‘irrational’ African traditions and customs which impeded the capitalist development of agriculture – Colin Bundy (1979) showed that in fact, African peasantry responded competitively to new market conditions during the late 19th century and early 20th century.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;But owing to the mining industry’s demand for cheap labour, Bundy argues that the South African peasantry became proletarian through a process of primitive accumulation. The familiar methods included land dispossession and the imposition of hut and dog taxes, in order to force wage-labour to come to market. As a prominent Anglican cleric once remarked, Africans ‘are peasant farmers, why should they send their sons and daughters to work for wages? They prefer supplying their ones from the soil, as they can easily do so they stay at home’ (Bundy 1988:92). The hut tax was introduced on Zulu land as a specific mechanism to proleteriase the peasantry, as documented by Jeff Guy (1982:175). The peasantry had to work for a wage in order to earn money to pay the tax. Some sold cattle to raise cash and some paid in cattle, pushing prices ever lower (Guy 1982:176). In sum, for capital, the problem was that self-sufficient African small farmers withheld labour from the mine owners. Hence the dispossession of Africans and the destruction of the African peasantry were linked to the needs of capitalist development in South Africa.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Contrary to the view of liberal political economy that capitalism in the periphery has a tendency to do way with pre-capitalist features, Wolpe (1975) argued that capitalism can co-exist with – and prosper from – pre-capitalist modes of production, which served as source for cheap labour. Wolpe was not only concerned about the pitfalls of setting dependency theory against liberal political economy, but also felt the need to correct the CST thesis, which lacked its own intrinsic theory of exploitation. Even Bundy, South Africa’s leading dependency theorist, had ignored exploitation in his theorisation of the process of primitive accumulation. By emphasising the market and the circulation of commodities within which the African peasantry could have thrived (were it not for systematic destruction by big capital), Bundy implies that the African peasantry could have become incorporated into the capitalist system as petty owners of capital, as opposed to being wage-labourers.2&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;To be sure, the CST does not provide adequate theoretical tools to illuminate the relationship between national oppression and class exploitation, and without a theory of exploitation the CST was not all that different from race relations theory (Wolpe 1975). To overcome both the pitfalls of the dependency theory and the CST, Wolpe developed the theory of cheap labour to tease out the extra-economic mechanisms by which capital pumped out more surplus value from the black working class by drawing on Bantustan mechanisms. In trying to explain the nature, origin and the reproduction of racist forms of domination, and their subsequent consolidation in the post-1948 apartheid policies, Wolpe expanded upon Marx’s concept of exploitation, and eventually arrived at the cheap labour thesis.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Consider Marx’s concept of exploitation, as clarified by Holmstrom (1993) using the concepts of ‘necessary, free and surplus labour’. Necessary labour is the amount of labour necessary for the reproduction of the worker and her dependents regardless of a mode of production – whether capitalism or communism. Under capitalism, workers are required to do more than necessary labour, in other words, to generate surplus labour which is appropriated by the owners of the means of production. Necessary labour is required under communism, but it is not forced labour in a sense that direct producers are not subordinated to the power of owners of the means of the means of production. In other words necessary labour is free if it is controlled and ownership of the direct producers. The direct producers do not have control over the surplus.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;In contrast, racial forms of domination were used as mechanisms to facilitate the process of pumping out surplus labour from the black working class. Marx’s labour theory argues that capitalists generate surplus value through the exploitation of labour. Under capitalist production relations, a capitalist buys a worker’s labour power like any commodity. The value of the labour power is determined by labour socially necessary to reproduce a worker. A worker needs clothing, food and shelter in order to reproduce, and a wage plays this function. The value of labour power is thus determined by means of subsistence. Here we see the importance of the articulation of modes of production, for the non-capitalist reproduction of labour power creates a basis for the relative reduction in the value of the labour.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;For Wolpe, racial domination over black workers through the migrant-labour system was functional to capitalism, because the Reserves subsidised the way the black working class was subjugated as forced necessary labour. Subsistence agriculture in the reserves contributed to the social reproduction and maintenance of migrant workers. Put differently, the Reserves took care of the worker in his old age or illness (or youth). Capitalism thus benefited from the continued existence of the pre-capitalist mode of production. The Reserves took care of those who were not immediately useful (children) and those who were no longer useful (retired or ill workers). Since capitalism treated workers as means for capital accumulation, physically-disabled workers – victims of widespread occupational hazards – as well as old workers no longer functional for capital accumulation were thrown into the reserves. Though he is critical of the CST, Mahmood Mamdani (1996) developed the concept of the bifurcated state, which provides a useful framework for understanding the political superstructure in the Reserves, which were controlled by the chiefs in the interests of broader systemic stability.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;4 LIBERAL AND MARXIST CONVERGENCE ON CONTINGENCY&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Nel (1987) argues that the early Wolpe used the beneficial effects of apartheid to capitalism as a ‘sufficient’ explanation for the origins of the system after 1948. But Wolpe’s initial explanation – that South African capitalism needed Bantustans to generate super profits – falls into a trap of functionalism, and could not explain aspects of racial political domination that may be in contradiction with capitalism.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The functional fallacy was later overcome by the theory of contingency in Marxism (Wolpe 1988), which was also adopted by at least one liberal, Merle Lipton (1985). Wolpe and Lipton could agree that the relationship between capitalism and racial order is contingent outcome of the struggles between contending groups or classes, and the outcome of the struggle may be functional or contradictory by advancing the interest of the certain classes at the expense of others.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Lipton (1985) conceded that apartheid had some benefits for capitalism, particularly the agricultural and mining fractions, until the 1970s. In line with Hutt’s (1964) idea that the maturation of capitalism erodes prejudices, Lipton (1985) argued that dysfunctionality of the racist forms of political domination arose from structural changes.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The key shift was from ‘labour intensive’ to ‘capital intensive’ forms of work which required skilled labour. Apartheid became dysfunctional for capital accumulation because the growth of the manufacturing industry required skilled labour and rising black purchasing power, and the latter was depressed by poor wages.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;From this perspective, racism had benefits and costs for capital accumulation. The benefits were provided by cheap labour, which was in demand by mining and agricultural capital, and the state intervened with a variety of apartheid techniques to reproduce the cheap labour. But costs became detrimental, as the absence of skilled black labo
