PhD Art History 2009/20010 & 2010/2011

Wittgenstein

Is 'Wittgenstein' a Family Resemblance Term?
Just published:The House of Wittgenstein by Alexander Waugh, a book that focuses on Ludwig Wittgenstein's brother Paul who, during Ludwig's lifetime, was better known than the philosopher: he had a successful career as a one-armed concert pianist (he lost his right arm in the First World War but went on to commission concertos for left hand from many of the greatest composers of his day including Ravel, Prokoviev and Benjamin Britten). Like his philosopher brother, Paul was not easily deterred nor ready to compromise.

It is interesting to read that Ludwig's extended family were rather embarrassed by his success as a philosopher - many of them thought the world had been taken in by a clown.

Wittgenstein

Three basic models of secular Jewish culture.(Report)


Publication: Israel Studies

Publication Date: 22-SEP-08

Author: Jobani, Yuval

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COPYRIGHT 2008 Indiana University Press

INTRODUCTION

THE ENCYCLOPEDIA, NEW JEWISH TIME: Jewish Culture in a Secular Age (1) is the highlight of the intensive, comprehensive, and relentless preoccupation of contemporary secular Jewish culture with defining itself. This encyclopedia endeavors to present a panoramic documentation of the individuals, the movements, the works, and the institutions that left their mark on this culture in the past two hundred years.

This project not only documents the past but also reflects the present and delineates the future horizons of secular Jewish culture from the viewpoint of the project's participants. The educational goal is presented in the foreword by Yair Tsaban who initiated this project:

It is incumbent upon a public that defines itself as secular to learn the meaning of secularity and how the processes of modernization and secularization occurred in our people and in other peoples. (2)

Be that what it may, Secular Jewish cultural education, must first require a thorough examination of the term "secular Jewish culture", which is elucidated in the introductory essay by the chief editor Yirmiyahu Yovel.

I argue that the term "secular Jewish culture" cannot be reduced to a single essence, for it extends the category of family and in a family nothing is discernible beyond a complicated web of interwoven similarities amounting to what Wittgenstein termed "a family resemblance". As in any large family, secular Jewish culture has branches corresponding to clusters of attributes, or shared patterns.

DEFINING SECULAR JEWISH CULTURE

Secular Jewish culture is one of the offshoots of the secularization of Western culture in the modern era. However, this offshoot is unique and complex not only due to the exceptional status of Jews in Western culture, but also for the ancient traditional dominance of the Jewish religion over Jewish identity.

The term "secularization", in its narrow sense as a terminus technicus, denotes the process of transferring some particular thing from the sacred sphere to the non-sacred sphere, that of the world (the saeculum). Beyond the narrow legal-ecclesiastical sense, this term is used to denote

a process of freeing politics and culture from the guardianship of the medieval Catholic Church and a process whereby values, norms, types of authority, behavior and knowledge become independent of those sanctified by the medieval Church and of the sphere of faith and transcendence ... this term signifies the core essence of modernity as the Church's and the Catholic faith's hegemony over all aspects of society characterized the core essence of medieval times. (3)

The terms "Jewish culture" and its modern offspring "secular Jewish culture" resist any rigid formal definition that might bind them within restrictive necessary and sufficient conditions. We must make do with what Wittgenstein termed a "family resemblance" between "a complicated network of similarities overlapping and criss-crossing." (4) Even if we were to accept Yovel's broader and more generous definition of a Jew, "A personal preoccupation with the question of Jewishness is a natural and sufficient indication that one is Jewish" (I. xvii) and further accept his general definition of culture as denoting "all that human beings jointly create, and that, in turn, contributes to their interpretation of the world and to their interrelationships". (5) We would not then be able to argue that every cultural creation created by Jews (whether religious or secular, according to one definition or another) is part of that culture, whatever the precise content of that culture.

No one would argue that Einstein's theory of relativity is part of (even secular) Jewish culture, whereas all would agree that...

Urban Social Processes

New Culture-Oriented Economic Development Trajectories: The Case Study of Four Dutch Cities


Introduction
Cities spend more and more in cultural programmes and large infrastructure projects, seeking competitive and sustainable growth: urban landmarks influencing the image and the attractiveness of the city for private investments, but also platforms for the “new creative class” and stimuli to social integration through self-reflection and cultural inclusion. However, there is uncertainty about the returns of such investments. Moreover, seed-funding creativity and cultural dynamism is a complex issue, as traditional institutions and policy approaches are hardly able to come to terms with fuzzy, anarchist social structures.
Description
Culture is a key ingredient of post-industrial, information-intensive economic activity. Cultureoriented economic development (COED) is emerging as a dominant paradigm, integrating the symbolic and creative elements into any aspect of the urban economy, pursuing distinction, innovativeness, and a higher level of interaction between localised individual and collective knowledge and globalising markets.
This article presents a dynamic analysis of the effects of culture on the economic development trajectories of European cities. It may contribute to shed more light on the relevance of cultural industries for spatial development, addressing issues such as: cultural endowment, identity and urban competitiveness; dispersed vs. concentration; cultural participation and social inclusion.
The analysis uses data collected within the ESPON project 1.3.3 and other information of qualitative and quantitative nature collected by EURICUR in occasion of a study of a sample of European cities. In this paper we present the investigation conducted in the three largest Dutch cities, Amsterdam, Rotterdam and the Hague, which are part of the city-region of the Randstand, and the fifth largest Dutch city, Eindhoven, one the most important economic and educational centres in the Netherlands.
Background information
The Working Paper Series is available online only. For editorial correspondence, please contact: wp.dse@unive.it.
Knowledge dissemination
This article is published as a Working Paper of the Department of Economics of the Ca ’ Foscari University of Venice (No. 35/WP/2006).
Conclusions
This study set out to propose a theoretical framework to interpret and possibly steer culture-oriented urban development: the COED model.
The comparative analysis of the four cities confirms some of the intuitions of the COED model. In cities where a certain number of “cultural clusters” have emerged, the urban economy has been structurally modified towards the symbolic. Cultural clusters have become – to varying extents, according to the characteristics, location and governance structures of such clusters – catalysts of a wholesome creative economy, involving a higher attractiveness for tourists, skilled talents, and ultimately for knowledge- intensive enterprises in search of an innovative climate and high levels of quality of life.
However, culture-oriented economic development is subject to strong endogeneity, modifying continuously the original conditions that make places culturally rich and viable as creative hubs. COED is potentially short-lived and may bring to irreversible changes in the urban environment: the erosion of social capital, the dispersion in space of cultural activities and the consequent decreasing of clustering effects, and ultimately the fading of local cultural identity and “uniqueness”. Urban policy should be careful to accompany the COED process making sure that these limits are never reached. Physical and cultural planning, social and educational policies, infrastructure projects and the implementation of innovative forms of governance and networking may achieve these objectives, but the policy context is made fuzzier and more complex by the unconventional nature of economic and social processes underlying cultural activities and creative production. The development of a cultural industry may follow fast cyclic patterns and be “erratic” in space, but as long as creative talents are attracted to the city, and the spatialeconomic conditions (possibly supported by targeted area policies or entrepreneurial support) allow the sedimentation of a critical mass of organisations and businesses characterised by the typical traits of the “cluster economy”, cultural production will emerge and stay as a driver for urban economic development.
The four cities have been assessed and benchmarked against the development of this model. We find that some cities have progressed more than others to develop their cultural sectors into full catalysts for economic growth, in the case of Amsterdam the limits which would modify the conditions for sustainable development are close: gentrification and changes in social mix, loss of spatial centrality in creative production sectors, lack of alternative development locations, erosion of cultural identity and character. In the other cities (Rotterdam, Eindhoven, The Hague), COED is limited to internal growth of a limited number of cultural sectors and clusters, missing to affect substantially the development opportunities for other economic sectors by influencing their innovativeness and location potentials. A number of policy recommendations for a sustained COED leading to increased urban competitiveness as well as plenty of illustrations from best practices and common mistakes are given. Funding schemes for cultural activity were taken into consideration as well as programs of social inclusion through cultural education, cultural infrastructure policy, and innovative governance models, looking at interesting initiatives taken in the four cities in our study.
Contact info
Ca’ Foscari University of Venice - Department of Economics
Cannaregio 873, Fondamenta S.Giobbe
30121 Venice
Italy
Phone: +39 041 2349135
Fax: +39 041 2349176
Jan van der Borg

Publication date

/06/2006
Researcher
Antonio Russo and Jan van der Borg
Article info
ISSN: 1827-336X

Social Theory

NYT - Toward a Unified Theory of Black America
More from the New York Times: Toward a Unified Theory of Black America, from Stephen J. Dubner. Interesting article about Economist Roland G. Fryer, an assistant professor at Harvard who has some pretty outspoken views.

"I want to have an honest discussion about race in a time and a place where I don't think we can,'' he says. ''Blacks and whites are both to blame. As soon as you say something like, 'Well, could the black-white test-score gap be genetics?' everybody gets tensed up. But why shouldn't that be on the table?''
In addition to quoting Fryer's controversial views, Dubner's article itself has some:

The very issue of black-white inequality has, in recent years, been practically driven from public view. But according to the data that Fryer lives with, the inequality itself hasn't gone away. There have been countless distractions -- wars, economic gyrations, political turmoil -- and, perhaps just as significantly, fatigue. The proven voices and standard ideologies have lost much of their power.
Interesting especially in view of the Larry Summers flap, wherein the president of Harvard wondered aloud if genetics might explain why women are underrepresented in the sciences.

I'm not sure what is more interesting, Fryer, or the fact that the Times ran this article...

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March 20, 2005
Toward a Unified Theory of Black America
By STEPHEN J. DUBNER
oland G. Fryer Jr. is 27 years old and he is an assistant professor of economics at Harvard and he is black.
Yes, 27 is young to be any kind of professor anywhere. But after what might charitably be called a slow
start in the scholarly life, Fryer has been in a big hurry to catch up. He was in fact only 25 when he went on the
job market, gaining offers from -- well, just about everywhere. He abruptly ended his job search by accepting
an invitation to join the Society of Fellows at Harvard, one of academia's most prestigious research posts. This
meant he wouldn't be teaching anywhere for three years. The Harvard economics department told Fryer to take
its offer anyway; he could have an office and defer his teaching obligation until the fellowship was done.
Now that he is halfway through his fellowship, the quality and breadth of Fryer's research have surprised even
his champions. ''As a pure technical economic theorist, he's of the first rate,'' says Lawrence Katz, a prominent
labor economist at Harvard. ''But what's really incredible is that he's also much more of a broad social theorist
-- talking to psychologists, sociologists, behavioral geneticists -- and the ideas he comes up with aren't the 'let's
take the standard economic model and push a little harder' ideas. He makes you think of Nathan Glazer or
William Julius Wilson, but with economic rigor.'' Henry Louis Gates Jr., the Harvard humanities scholar, says
that Fryer is ''destined to be a star. I mean, he's a star already, just a baby star. I think he'll raise the analysis of
the African-American experience to new levels of rigor and bring economics into the mainstream area of
inquiry within the broader field of African-American studies.''
When he presents a paper, Fryer is earnest and genial and excitable, sometimes carrying on like a Southern
preacher. While he denies that his work is united by a grand thesis -- he is a scientist, he explains, devoted to
squeezing truths from the data, wherever that may lead -- he does admit to having a mission: ''I basically want
to figure out where blacks went wrong. One could rattle off all the statistics about blacks not doing so well.
You can look at the black-white differential in out-of-wedlock births or infant mortality or life expectancy.
Blacks are the worst-performing ethnic group on SAT's. Blacks earn less than whites. They are still just not
doing well, period.''
To Fryer, the language of economics, a field proud of its coldblooded rationalism, is ideally suited for
otherwise volatile conversations. ''I want to have an honest discussion about race in a time and a place where I
don't think we can,'' he says. ''Blacks and whites are both to blame. As soon as you say something like, 'Well,
could the black-white test-score gap be genetics?' everybody gets tensed up. But why shouldn't that be on the
table?''
Fryer said this several months ago, which was well before Lawrence H. Summers, the president of Harvard,
wondered aloud if genetics might help explain why women are so underrepresented in the sciences. Summers
-- who is also an economist and a fan of Fryer's work -- is still being punished for his musings. There is a key
difference, of course: Summers is not a woman; Fryer is black.
Fryer well appreciates that he can raise questions that most white scholars wouldn't dare. His collaborators,
most of whom are white, appreciate this, too. ''Absolutely, there's an insulation effect,'' says the Harvard
economist Edward L. Glaeser. ''There's no question that working with Roland is somewhat liberating.''
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Glaeser and Fryer, along with David M. Cutler, another Harvard economist, are the authors of a paper that
traffics in one form of genetic theorizing. It addresses the six-year disparity in life expectancy for blacks versus
whites, arguing that much of the gap is due to a single factor: a higher rate of salt sensitivity among
African-Americans, which leads to higher rates of cardiovascular disease, stroke and kidney disease.
Fryer's notion that there might be a genetic predisposition at work was heightened when he came across a
period illustration that seemed to show a slave trader in Africa licking the face of a prospective slave. The
ocean voyage from Africa to America was so gruesome that as many as 15 percent of the Africans died en
route, mainly from illnesses that led to dehydration. A person with a higher capacity for salt retention might
also retain more water and thus increase his chance of surviving.
So it may have been that a slave trader would try to select, with a lick to the cheek, the ''saltier'' Africans.
Whether selected by the slavers or by nature, the Africans who did manage to survive the voyage -- and who
then formed the gene pool of modern African-Americans -- may have been disproportionately marked by
hypertension. Cutler, a pre-eminent health economist, admits that he thought Fryer's idea was ''absolutely
crazy'' at first. (Although the link between the slave trade and hypertension had been raised in medical
literature, even Cutler wasn't aware of it.) But once they started looking at the data, the theory began to seem
plausible.
Fryer has published only a handful of papers so far, all of them written with senior colleagues. A bet on Fryer
is, at this point, a bet on potential. But his voice is bold enough to have drawn critics already. Some black
economists say he is simply too hard on blacks. ''Part of his work tries to dismiss the influence of racism,'' says
William Darity Jr., who teaches at Duke and the University of North Carolina. Darity points to ''An Economic
Analysis of 'Acting White,''' a paper in which Fryer explores the mechanism by which high-achieving black
students may be antagonized, and held back, by their low-achieving peers. ''The inclination to look for an
explanation based on some sort of group-based dysfunctionality is an instinct I don't have,'' Darity says.
While most of Fryer's colleagues consider him blazingly smart, he constantly belittles his own intellect. ''I have
to think hard when somebody says, 'World War I,' because I don't know what years those were,'' he says. ''But I
work hard, harder than anyone. That's what I can control.'' Last summer, he told me he was vexed by the sight
of a silver Volkswagen Jetta in the parking lot outside his office. It was there when he showed up every
morning, and it was still there when he left at night. Weeks later, he sent me a relieved e-mail message: ''The
Jetta was not working harder than me -- rather, they were on vacation.''
He works so hard because his career goal is so audacious. Fryer's heroes are not contemporary economists like
Glenn Loury or James Heckman or Gary Becker, even though he admires their work on racial issues and has
been mentored by all three of them. Nor are his models the estimable crowd of Afro-American scholars
assembled at Harvard by Gates, who happens to be Fryer's next-door neighbor. There is only one forebear
whom Fryer aspires to emulate: W.E.B. DuBois, the fiercely interdisciplinary black scholar and writer who
helped to pioneer the field of ethnography. ''The problem of the 20th century,'' DuBois said, presciently, in
1900, ''is the problem of the color line.''
In Fryer's view, DuBois alone had the appetite to rigorously round up the facts and concepts and emotions that
constitute race and then crack them open one by one. Separated by a century, their missions are identical: to
study -- and maybe even help fix -- the condition of being black in America.
met Fryer just over a year ago through a collaborator we share, the economist Steven D. Levitt of the
University of Chicago. One paper that Fryer and Levitt wrote suggested that the gap in early test scores
between black and white schoolchildren is largely caused by the fact that most black children attend worse
schools. The second paper, a sort of sequel to Fryer's work on ''acting white,'' explored the rift between black
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and white cultures, asking in particular whether black parents who give their children a name like DeShawn or
Imani hinder their children's career prospects.
In person, Fryer gives the appearance of coming from a middle-class background, some kind of Cosby kid all
grown up. But as I spent more time with him, it became obvious that that wasn't remotely the case. He began to
tell me stories about his past that -- although I didn't know it then -- he didn't share with people in his ''new
life,'' as he called it. It was unclear why he had finally decided to talk, and to me. It may have been that the
project that brought Fryer, Levitt and me together was the sort of grisly work -- a research project concerning
the inner workings of the Ku Klux Klan -- that tends to produce a bond. It may have been that he was simply
weary of holding the two chapters in his life so far apart. Regardless, I soon became as fascinated with Fryer's
life as I was impressed with his work.
One morning, as we sat on a bench in Central Park in New York, he talked about his childhood in Daytona
Beach, Fla. When he was a boy, he sometimes lived there with his grandmother Farrise, whom the family
called Fat. She was a schoolteacher and a disciplinarian. But Fat's sister Ernestine, who lived nearby, ran a
looser household, and Fryer preferred to hang out there. His older cousins had gold teeth and gold jewelry and,
always, the latest Karl Kani track suits, in maroon or bright red, with matching suede Champion sneakers. On
the weekends, Ernestine's husband, Lacey, cooked up a batch of pancakes. Lacey was a retired postal worker
and a past president of the local N.A.A.C.P. chapter.
At the same time, Lacey and Ernestine and some of their children were running one of the biggest crack gangs
in the area. They would drive down to Miami to buy cocaine and then turn it into crack in their kitchen. As a
boy, Fryer used to watch. In a frying pan -- the same one Lacey used for pancakes -- they mixed the powdered
cocaine with water and baking soda, then cooked off the liquid until all that remained were the little white
rocks. The family processed and sold as much as two kilograms of cocaine a week.
One day when Fryer was planning to visit Lacey and Ernestine -- Ernestine told him she would be making pork
chops -- he decided to stop by the dog track first. He wasn't old enough to bet, but he loved to watch the
greyhounds run. When he got to his aunt's house, it was surrounded by federal agents. Almost everyone in the
family was sent to prison. Lacey got a 30-year sentence and died in prison; Ernestine was sentenced to a little
more than three years. Fryer's favorite cousin, Wendy, got a long term; his cousin Vaughn got a shorter
sentence, but upon his release he went back to selling crack and was murdered.
Fryer loved Vaughn and Wendy. ''They seemed like pretty decent people,'' he said. ''If you had put them in the
schools that a lot of these people came up in'' -- here he gestured toward the apartment buildings that border
Central Park -- ''they probably would have been fine.''
How many of his close family members, I asked him, had either died young or spent time in prison? He did a
quick count: 8 of 10. ''Suppose you can separate people into two camps: geneticists and environmentalists,'' he
said. ''Coming up where I came up, it's hard not to be an environmentalist.''
As a graduate student, Fryer was enamored with the most theoretical realm of economics, studying arcane
mathematical questions that kept him a safe distance from his past. But he has since crossed over to the
empirical side of his science, which emphasizes real-world information. Most of his current projects involve
huge troves of data that he is able to dissect with a particularly knowing eye. While this work may play more to
his strengths, it also requires him to revisit his background in a manner that is anything but theoretical.
He is writing one paper about mixed-race children (trying to tease out the influence of environment versus
genes), another about historically black colleges (he suspects that graduates might pay for their racial loyalty in
the form of lower career earnings, but are in general happier) and another tentatively titled ''Bling-Bling''
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(which, he says, ''explores the consumption patterns of blacks versus whites''). There are also papers on
colorblind affirmative action and the devastating impact of crack cocaine on black Americans. In addition to
his economics-department office, he maintains another office at the Society of Fellows and a third at the
National Bureau of Economic Research; he keeps at least seven research assistants busy. Claudia Goldin, an
economist colleague at Harvard, is among those who marvel at Fryer's creativity and his energy. ''You're
running a factory,'' she told him.
His most ambitious project, which grew out of his belief in the power of environment, is an experiment
designed to see if incentives can inspire minority students to improve their grades. For all the talk about
education reform, Fryer says, he feels that one party is being overlooked: the students themselves. ''I'm troubled
by the fact we're treating kids as inanimate objects,'' he says. ''They have behavior, too. They respond to
incentives, too.''
Fryer recently ran a pilot experiment with third graders at P.S. 70 in the Bronx. If a child achieved a certain
score on her reading test or improved by a certain percentage, she got a small prize. In some classrooms, every
student competed for herself; in others, each kid was assigned to a group of five. Fryer is trying to find out
whether the individual or group incentives work better. He suspects the latter -- ''because no stigma of being
the smartest kid applies.'' But the P.S. 70 data was inconclusive.
At a dinner party held by Larry Summers, Fryer met Joel Klein, the chancellor of New York's public schools,
and explained his project to him. Klein asked Fryer if he might be interested in expanding his incentive
experiment into 15 or so low-achieving schools. At P.S. 70, the rewards had been pizza parties or field trips.
This time around, Fryer planned to give cash -- $10 per good test for third graders and $20 for seventh graders.
Now it was time to sell the idea to the principals of those 15 schools.
On a Tuesday afternoon in October, Fryer met the principals in the library of an elementary school in Harlem.
All but one of them were black. Fryer usually wears Polo jeans, a button-down shirt and chunky black shoes.
Today he was dressed for church, maybe even the pulpit: charcoal Brooks Brothers suit, crisp white shirt, black
Cole Haans and a dazzling tie of white and mauve checks. He began by reciting a list of statistics that
illuminate the gulf between blacks and whites. ''These facts bother me,'' he said. ''The achievement gap is not
only disturbing; it's alarming. I'm here to try to understand and close the achievement gap.''
The principals began to grill him. Even if the kids do respond to the cash incentives, one principal asked, what
happens next year, when they aren't getting paid? Won't students in other grades be resentful? What will
parents think when their kids start receiving cash in the mail every few weeks?
Fryer addressed each issue as best he could. But one question kept coming back at him: if we start paying
students to test well, aren't we sending the message that learning is not its own reward? Although the exchange
flustered him, Fryer had by meeting's end persuaded the principals to take part. Afterward, though, he took no
joy in his success. He knew there were still plenty of bureaucratic hurdles ahead. What's more, he is not given
to bragging. Typically, the first words out of his mouth after any presentation are ''they hated it.''
Long ago, Fryer made a vow that he would always be so hard on himself that it wouldn't hurt when others were
hard on him. He told me this one night at his house in Cambridge. He and wife, Lisa, a graduate student in
elementary education, were showing me his childhood photo album. It was one of the saddest photo albums
you will ever see. A few baby pictures, then a picture from Pee Wee football and then . . . nothing until
high-school graduation. Where was Roland Fryer during all those years? Or, really, where were the people who
should have been snapping pictures of him?
His full name is Roland Gehrard Fryer Jr. Two years ago, as he was entering the job market, the name suddenly
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led him to panic. He worried that some university dean might Google it and see that Roland Gerard Fryer was
convicted of a 1993 sexual assault in Lewisville, Tex. But that wasn't Roland; that was his father.
The more Fryer told me about himself, the more it became clear that his research is directly, even painfully,
inspired by his own past. Here were the bare facts of his early life, as he related them. He was born in Florida.
His mother left when he was very young, so he lived with his father, who sold copy machines for Xerox, and
when Roland was 4, they moved to Texas. He spent summers in Florida with his grandmother Fat and begged
her to let him stay permanently. But always he was returned to his father in Texas.
I was curious to know more. Fryer, who sometimes seemed torn between wanting to explain himself and
wanting to obliterate his childhood entirely, agreed to accompany me on a tour of his past. On one level he
seemed to be dreading the trip, but on another, I think he was eager to show an outsider the distance he had
traveled -- and perhaps to square things off for himself as well.
Roland Fryer Sr., now 54, had recently moved back in with his own mother -- Roland's grandmother Fat --
after being released from prison. So our trip began with a visit to Daytona Beach. The houses in Fat's
neighborhood were grim, brick and cement block with ragged yards and bars on the windows. Her living room
was dark and cluttered. Roland, Fat and I sat on plastic slipcovers and talked. I asked how on earth Roland had
become a Harvard professor.
Fat looked at him before she answered. ''I think I did a little bit,'' she said. ''Did I help you, JuJu?''
That was his nickname here, JuJu. He gave an uneasy smile. Soon his father came in. The two men said hello.
Fat went into the kitchen, and Roland Sr. sat down.
He said that he had grown up in this very house. He studied business at Bethune-Cookman, a nearby black
college, and then held a series of jobs, none for very long. He met his future wife when she sang backup for
Roy Clark, the country musician, at the high school where he taught math.
''You were a math teacher?'' his son asked.
''Mm-hmm. Tenth grade.''
I asked Roland Sr. how he and not his wife wound up with Roland when they split.
''I loved my son so much that I wanted to make sure he lived a certain type of lifestyle,'' he said. ''I didn't want
him to be in an environment that was not conducive to be the person he is right now.''
At this, his son turned away.
And what kind of teenager, I asked, was Roland?
''Not a bad kid,'' his father replied. ''Matter of fact, he and I used to be so close when we lived together that we
would remind each other when we didn't spend enough time together.''
Now his son stomped out of the room. Roland Sr. talked for a while longer and then said he had to leave.
Roland Jr. came back in, looking grim. After dinner, driving toward our hotel, he vacillated between anger and
bitter silence. His father's version of their life together, he said, was ''total bull.''
The next morning we flew to Dallas. Twenty minutes north of the airport lay Lewisville, an unremarkable city
of about 80,000. Fryer drove us past the home where he had lived with his father, a tidy, tan brick ranch on a
wide pleasant street.
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When he was in third grade, he said, his father started to deteriorate: he drank heavily and beat a girlfriend so
badly, in front of Roland, that she ended up in the hospital. Once, when his father left town and returned to find
the house a mess, he beat Roland with a length of garden hose. By the time he was 13, Roland was bigger than
his father. Though his father denies it, Roland says that one night they had a brutal fight. ''I told him if he ever
touched me again, I'd kill him,'' Roland said.
When Roland was in the ninth grade, his father was fired from Xerox for sexual harassment. He passed his
days gambling and drinking. Roland made sure to be asleep by the time his father came home from the bar and
to be out of the house before he awoke in the morning. Roland was a star athlete, in football and basketball,
which made things a little easier. But he was angry at everybody, all the time, and was essentially left to raise
himself.
At 13, he forged his birth certificate to get a job at McDonald's. When he could, he told me, he stole from the
cash register. He sold counterfeit Dooney & Burke purses out of the trunk of his car -- a tricked-out 1984
Monte Carlo that he wasn't nearly old enough to drive legally. With a friend, he recounted, he would go into
Dallas, buy a pound of marijuana for $700 and sell it back in Lewisville for $1,400. He carried a .357 Magnum
and one night, in a fight outside a Citgo station, almost used it on a white man. ''I didn't care if I lived or died,''
he said now as we idled in the parking lot of that same Citgo station. ''I always think I'm supposed to be dead,
not alive, much less at Harvard.''
We stopped to eat lunch at a dimly lighted sports bar called the Point After North. ''Right over there, against
that wall,'' Fryer told me, ''is where my father's rape case began.'' Roland Fryer Sr. was 43 at the time. After a
night of drinking, he went home with two women who were sisters. One of them would later say that she went
to sleep and woke up to find Fryer having sex with her. Roland Jr. was horrified and ashamed when the arrest
made the local newspaper. He had to bail his own father out of jail.
He was 15 years old and couldn't see how his life could get much worse. Then one day while driving his Monte
Carlo, he was pulled over by the police. They drew their guns and made him lie on the pavement. He was less
humiliated than petrified; he wasn't half the thug he had imagined himself. The one thought he could muster
was this: what will my grandmother think if I'm thrown in jail? The police, all of whom were white, questioned
him for a few hours -- they thought he was a crack dealer -- and then sent him home. Later that day, some
friends called. They had planned a burglary for that night, and told Fryer they were on their way to pick him
up. He begged off. His friends did the burglary anyway and wound up in jail.
Fryer points to that day as his road-to-Damascus moment. He can't quite explain what provoked the change --
the fear of jail, perhaps, or of death or of his grandmother's wrath. Or it may be that everyone, at some point,
has to choose the kind of person he hopes to be. But after that terrible day of two near-misses, Fryer stopped
doing the bad things he had been doing.
At 18, he entered the University of Texas at Arlington on an athletic scholarship. For the first time in his life,
Fryer started to study. He liked it; more important, he discovered he had a good brain and a God-given capacity
to outwork his peers. He once tried to share his enthusiasm with his father, but he didn't get the response he
was looking for. ''I don't care how much education you get or how successful you become, because you'll
always be a nigger,'' he says his father replied.
While carrying a full course load at Arlington, Fryer held down a job (he owed his father's bail bondsman) and
took extra credits at a local community college. He also managed to meet Lisa during this period. He was
efficiency incarnate, earning an economics degree in two and a half years.
He entered graduate school at Penn State University, and it was there, early on, that he realized the power of
economics to study race. ''We learned all these powerful math tools that were very deep, very insightful, and
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were being used to solve -- you know, silly problems, frankly,'' he says. ''At the same time, you'd look on TV
and see people literally yelling at each other about affirmative action, bringing up anecdotal stories of one
white guy who lost his house and his wife and his kids. The whole debate could be turned by bringing in some
horrible travesty. And I thought, here's the exact way that these tools should be used.''
He attended a conference at which Glenn Loury, the prominent black economist, presented a paper on
antidiscrimination laws. ''He came up afterwards and said: 'Gee, that's an interesting idea. I'd like to work with
you on that,''' Loury recalls. ''I said: 'A lot of people would like to work with me. Who are you?' But it was
enough to make me want to get to know this kid.''
Fryer had acquired his first big-time mentor. In similar fashion, he soon found a second, James Heckman, who
invited Fryer to the University of Chicago to continue his graduate research. Heckman is a Nobel laureate
whose research suggests that if disadvantaged kids don't acquire life skills at an early age, it is quite difficult
for them to catch up. In Fryer, he had found a glaring anomaly. After barely three years in graduate school,
Fryer completed his dissertation, ''Mathematical Models of Discrimination and Inequality.'' And so it was that
at 25 he was fielding calls from Larry Summers and Skip Gates, imploring him to choose Harvard.
The final stop on our tour of Fryer's past was Tulsa, Okla. His mother, Rita, lives there with her second
husband, Harold, in a black working-class neighborhood.
During his first year of college, Fryer had a brief but intense fling with religiosity. It was then that he first
tracked down his mother. He had been working on forgiveness, and he wanted to forgive his mother for
abandoning him. But he couldn't get past the old hurt. ''I kept asking, 'Why didn't you come find me?''' he said.
''And then it just turned to complete anger on my part. I said: 'Do you understand what I went through? I went
through all this [expletive], and you didn't come rescue me.'''
On this day, however, Roland's mother explained that things weren't as simple as Roland had assumed. She
didn't ''abandon'' him, she said. In fact, when she and Roland Sr. split, she moved back to Tulsa with her son --
Fryer looked confused; he never knew he had lived in Tulsa -- but then, Rita said, Roland Sr. came and, against
her wishes, took the boy. ''We searched and searched, spent money and spent money, but we finally gave up.''
Fryer seemed to believe his mother, at least partly. As she spoke, his manner shifted; he let down the wall that
generally restrains his emotions; the conversation turned tender. When he mentioned that he used to play the
saxophone, his mother brightened. ''My whole family was musical, you know,'' she said. Her mother, it turned
out, attended Juilliard and played eight instruments. An uncle was a saxophonist with Duke Ellington. Her
family, she said, had been a real force in Tulsa, running restaurants and a variety of other businesses.
''They really were the Talented Tenth,'' Harold said.
Fryer smiled. The concept of the Talented Tenth was promoted by none other than W.E.B. DuBois. It referred
to the need for an educated black elite -- the top 10 percent -- that would serve as example and inspiration to
their brethren.
Later that night, over Scotch and soda at an airport hotel in Tulsa, Fryer sifted through the discoveries of his
trip. He hadn't known that his father was a math teacher. He hadn't known that so much accomplishment ran in
his mother's family. ''I used to consider myself a genetic aberration or maybe an impostor,'' he said. ''But I
actually have some pretty good genes.''
He had come up with one more factor, however slight, to plug into the increasingly complicated calculus
whose answer is Roland G. Fryer Jr.
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ryer has never wanted to be white or to even act it. He loves black culture, high and low, and says that the
worst thing about Cambridge is that it offers no psychic connection to his roots.
In DuBois's book ''The Souls of Black Folk,'' there is a heartbreaking passage in which he describes how white
men look at him and ask, with their eyes only, ''How does it feel to be a problem?'' In the rarefied world that
Fryer inhabits, he sometimes feels a similar question land upon him, a question that is subtler but even more
troubling: how does it feel to be an exception?
Last summer in Cambridge, he was driving across town to present a paper. One of his research assistants, Alex,
rode along; 50 Cent was on the stereo. The paper -- about the slave trade/salt-sensitivity theory -- was
potentially controversial, and Fryer now mentioned that one of his co-authors, Ed Glaeser, would be sitting up
front while Fryer presented.
''It'll be good to have an ally,'' Alex said casually.
Fryer glowered. ''You doubt me? You doubt me? What are you trying to say? You're saying I'm only here
because of affirmative action?''
Alex, who is white, looked stricken. Then Fryer broke out in a big boom of a laugh. Alex looked at least partly
relieved.
A few days earlier, I asked Fryer how it felt to be one of a very, very few blacks in his field. It stinks, he said.
''I'd rather be on an absolute standard, where being black doesn't matter.'' He is convinced that Harvard did not
hire him because of affirmative action -- and if he found out otherwise, he said, he would quit tomorrow. He is
neither opposed nor in favor of affirmative action in the absolute; to him, the more relevant factors are the
timing and degree of its implementation. But like DuBois, he can always feel an accusation hovering.
That may be why he has talked so little about his past. Most people I spoke to about Fryer had only a shadowy
sense of his upbringing. He never wanted to score any sympathy points, nor did he want to give his colleagues
the opportunity to dismiss him as a freak accident, an exception to the standard rules of academic success --
which might imply that Harvard is not a normative goal for a young black man in the first place. There is also
the fact that Fryer's particular science places a high premium on avoiding the personal, the anecdotal. The data
are what matter in economics, and the more ruthlessness that an economist can summon to make sense of the
data, the more useful his findings will be.
Fryer seems to have successfully internalized this creed. He once told me, without a hint of irony or self-pity,
that his upbringing, while generally awful, actually provides an advantage. I asked why.
''My father screwed me over so bad that he made my emotions like a lever,'' he said. ''I learned how to turn
them off and on. And that's what's needed when you study race.''
So here is Fryer's final anomaly: he is a man who revels in his blackness and yet also says he believes, as
DuBois believed, that black underachievement cannot entirely be laid at the feet of discrimination. Fryer has a
huge appetite for advocacy but a far larger appetite for science, and as a scientist he won't exclude any
possibilities, including black behaviors, from the menu of factors that contribute to the black condition. His
school-incentive project in New York would call upon this entire menu: it seeks to provide an empirical means
to measure the theoretical effect of ''acting white''; it engages the economist's belief in the power of incentives
to change an environment; and it allows for the overlooked abilities of any given child to flourish. The project
might do the most good for the kind of child Fryer himself once was: a kid who belongs to the Talented Tenth
but just doesn't know it yet.
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The very issue of black-white inequality has, in recent years, been practically driven from public view. But
according to the data that Fryer lives with, the inequality itself hasn't gone away. There have been countless
distractions -- wars, economic gyrations, political turmoil -- and, perhaps just as significantly, fatigue. The
proven voices and standard ideologies have lost much of their power. So there is an opportunity, and probably
a need, for a new set of voices, and Roland Fryer, though he would never say it aloud, wants desperately for his
to be among them.
Stephen J. Dubner is the author, with Steven D. Levitt, of the forthcoming ''Freakonomics: A Rogue Economist
Explores the Hidden Side of Everything.''
Copyright 2005 The New York Times Company | Home | Privacy Policy | Search | Corrections | RSS | Help | Back to Top

Wittgenstein

Ludwig Wittgenstein
Additional Reading
British philosopher
in full Ludwig Josef Johann Wittgenstein
born April 26, 1889, Vienna, Austria-Hungary [now in Austria]
died April 29, 1951, Cambridge, Cambridgeshire, Eng.

Additional Reading
K.T. Fann (ed.), Ludwig Wittgenstein: The Man and His Philosophy (1967, reissued 1978), is a useful and varied collection that includes, among much else, reminiscences of Wittgenstein by Bertrand Russell. Brian McGuinness, Wittgenstein, a Life: Young Ludwig 1889–1921 (1988), is a careful and detailed examination of the first half of Wittgenstein’s life. Norman Malcolm and G.H. von Wright, Ludwig Wittgenstein: A Memoir, 2nd ed. (1984), is a moving and attractively written firsthand recollection of Wittgenstein by one of his closest students. Ray Monk, Ludwig Wittgenstein: The Duty of Genius (1990), at its publication the only complete biography of Wittgenstein, emphasizes the links between Wittgenstein’s personal and spiritual concerns and his philosophical work. Rush Rhees (ed.), Recollections of Wittgenstein, rev. ed. (1984), is an enlightening collection of memoirs, including notes of conversations with Wittgenstein by his student and friend Maurice Drury. Ludwig Wittgenstein, Tractatus Logico-Philosophicus (1922), is Wittgenstein’s austere and all but impenetrable masterpiece; Philosophical Investigations (1953), is the locus classicus of Wittgenstein’s later work.

Ray Monk

Urban Social Processes

Urban Studies Adjusts to a New World
Winter 2008 Interaction

The United Nations estimates that half the world’s population today lives in urban areas. By 2030, the figure will be two-thirds.

But the cities of 2030, even the cities of today, bear little resemblance to the ones studied by the first generation of urban studies scholars in the 1960s. Those scholars created the interdisciplinary field as a way of analyzing poverty, crime and racism in the United States. But the urban settlements of the future will be, above all, rapidly growing mega-cities in Asia and Africa with scarce infrastructure that place nearly intolerable pressure on the natural environment.


L.A. Cicero

Sociologist Doug McAdam, faculty director of the Urban Studies Program, says a global approach to the field is the only one that makes sense, and that Stanford is ahead of the curve in that regard.
Domestic poverty, crime and racism are still with us, but the new incarnation of urban studies confronts new problems and wields new tools. Globalization, technology and the environment are now crucial players in the field; without them, in fact, it would make little sense to study cities. And in the United States, the escape to the suburbs turns out to have had far-reaching consequences on the city left behind, on infrastructure and on culture.

So just as the urban studies programs of the 1960s were a response to the social problems of that era, it’s time to take a second look at the field to see how well it responds to the new situation.

“Definitely, there is a need for a rigorous interdisciplinary field called urban studies,” said sociologist Doug McAdam, faculty director of Stanford’s Program in Urban Studies.

“But it can’t be rooted in a romanticized, backward-looking set of urban issues. That kind of flavor hangs over many university programs, and we’ve had those fumes ourselves, the community-organizing model reflected in a sixties-style activist approach. There’s nothing wrong with that, but it can’t be all there is. There must be a global approach.”

The opportunity to incorporate that approach came a few years ago when the Urban Studies Program ran into trouble at Stanford. Members of the faculty were concerned at the program’s lack of focus. The program had been moved from political science to sociology, and few Academic Council members were teaching its classes. As a result, lecturers were hired, each one teaching his or her specialty, further weakening the program’s focus. McAdam was asked if he would step in, and he agreed on condition that the program get an extra year before coming up for renewal.

“Then we sat down and said, ‘What should an exciting, innovative program look like?’” he said. The answer involved restructuring the major’s concentration areas, building a solid core of required classes and wooing new faculty.

Restructured concentrations

There were three concentration areas on the books, but one—Urban Planning and Design—already had been significantly weakened when its architectural component moved to the School of Engineering in 2003. The first decision, then, was to eliminate the area altogether and fold its planning and design components into a new Urban Society and Social Change concentration. A second concentration, Urban Education, was left intact. A third, new concentration was created: Cities in Comparative and Historical Perspective, which is drawing particular excitement, McAdam said.

“The exclusive focus on urban problems in the United States didn’t make sense when the most interesting things were happening in other places,” he said. “The most rapid urbanization is happening in Asia.”

“We’re ahead of the curve on this,” compared to Stanford’s peer schools, he said. “We’re different, too, because we don’t have a public policy or architecture school, and that’s usually where urban studies is embedded. But ours is more interdisciplinary, more liberal arts.”

One of the new required courses is Cities in Comparative Perspective, taught by anthropologist Paulla Ebron in fall 2007. She had helped develop the course with geographer Karen Seto, who teaches in the Department of Geological and Environmental Sciences in the School of Earth Sciences.

“It’s very challenging to work in a very interdisciplinary environment,” Ebron said of the class. “It’s not just ‘you do your thing and I’ll do mine,’ because then we’re the same people as when we started. It showed me I actually do think as an anthropologist.”

The final projects presented in Ebron’s class indicate the field’s breadth but also the commonality of the problems the students and texts address: migration and longtime residents in Las Vegas; check-cashing outlets in Phoenix; the fashion industry in Buenos Aires; the impact of the U.S. Navy’s departure from Hunters Point; the odd class structure of Dubai.

The importance of comparative analysis was also underscored by the graduating Class of 2008’s choice in the fall of their Model Scholar speaker: Carl Nightingale, from the University of Buffalo, who spoke on “Splitting Cities in Early 20th-Century Johannesburg and Chicago.”

“Crisis and decline seemed to be the only narrative” to urban studies decades ago, said program director Michael Kahan, himself an urban historian. But he went on to say that there also has been thematic continuity. He pointed to technology as an important influence on the field today, particularly software for geographic information systems (GIS) and social networking.

“In a way, though, it was technology that brought the field into existence in the first place, as American historians using the early computers were able to do quantitative analysis of social and class problems for the first time,” he noted.

Seto is an expert in GIS, which she uses in her pathbreaking research on patterns of urbanization and environmental destruction in China. (GIS is now a required skills course for the urban studies major.) In the fall she taught Urbanization, Global Change and Sustainability.

“We often study urbanization from a humanist perspective, looking at economics and policy,” she said. “But urbanists rarely study cities from the natural science perspective other than saying that urban spaces have taken over green space, that cities are where biodiversity used to occur.

“I think we need to marry these two visions. I strongly believe urban is the solution; most people live here. But we need to start configuring urban spaces that are sustainable.”

If cities used to be a fixed variable, a known location, the object of study today is a moving target. Migration flows, Ebron said, “lead us to ask questions about what is created as a result of the migration.” In other words, the object is a process.

Likewise with the urban environment, a series of linkages.

“People draw connections between the destruction of the Brazilian rainforest and McDonald’s hamburgers, or between the Indonesian rainforest and Home Depot products,” Seto said. “Even if there’s not a direct line, the areas we are destroying are intimately connected to urban living. We have to look at landscape on a continuum.”

Projects abroad

If globalization provides the context for these connections, it is only logical that undergraduates go abroad, often with the aid of competitive research fellowships. To that end, the Urban Studies Program is working on the creation of a three-week Bing Overseas Seminar.

The cohort of 2007, with 20 graduates, was particularly global.

One of the projects most often pointed to was that of Colin Miller, whose 2007 honors thesis was “Instruments of Peace: Music, Community Development and Environmental Justice in a Brazilian Neighborhood.” Miller (currently on a fifth-year Fulbright in Brazil) obtained Haas summer fellowships to go to Brazil, where he studied street music and taught violin to poor children.

Then there was Deland Chan, Seto’s student and the winner of the Firestone Medal for Excellence in Undergraduate Research last June. Her thesis, “How Migrant Workers Find Housing in Beijing: The Role of Individual Agency in Differential Housing Access and Outcomes,” studied the migration of peasants to Beijing, where they are not always welcome. Another medal winner was Lola Feiger, who received the Robert M. Golden Medal for Excellence in the Humanities and Creative Arts for “The Memorialization of Urban Concentration Camps: Reading the Scale and Infrastructural Complexity of Sachsenhausen for an Understanding of the Holocaust.” Her adviser was Charlotte Fonrobert, associate professor of religious studies.

“Our students are so distinctive. They do extraordinary work, better than anything I’ve ever seen in a traditional department,” McAdam said. “They push each other hard. They constantly have to defend their major, so they’re driven, they don’t just drift there. You can’t just settle into urban studies.”
Also in This Issue

Doing African Studies
On the ground in Africa
Teaching and learning how to teach and learn
Rediscovering creativity by building it
Urban Studies adjusts to a new world
Gender: A fiercely interdisciplinary terrain

--------------------------------------------------------------------------------

Stanford University Contact Information

Social Theory

In the humanities and social sciences, critical theory is the examination and critique of society and culture, drawing from knowledge across social sciences and humanities disciplines. The term has two quite different meanings with different origins and histories, one originating in social theory and the other in literary criticism. Though until recently these two meanings had little to do with each other, since the 1970s there has been some overlap between these disciplines. This has led to "critical theory" becoming an umbrella term for an array of theories in English-speaking academia. This article focuses primarily on the differences and similarities between the two senses of the term critical theory.

Two primary definitions
There are two meanings of critical theory which derive from two different intellectual traditions associated with the meaning of criticism and critique. Both derive ultimately from the Greek word kritikos meaning judgment or discernment, and in their present forms go back to the 18th century. While they can be considered completely independent intellectual pursuits, increasingly scholars are interested in the areas of critique where the two overlap.

To use an epistemological distinction introduced by Jürgen Habermas in 1968 in his Erkenntnis und Interesse (Knowledge and Human Interests), critical theory in literary studies is ultimately a form of hermeneutics, i.e. knowledge via interpretation to understand the meaning of human texts and symbolic expressions. Critical social theory is, in contrast, a form of self-reflective knowledge involving both understanding and theoretical explanation to reduce entrapment in systems of domination or dependence, obeying the emancipatory interest in expanding the scope of autonomy and reducing the scope of domination. From this perspective, much literary critical theory, since it is focused on interpretation and explanation rather than on social transformation, would be regarded as positivistic or traditional rather than critical theory in the Kantian or Marxian sense. Critical theory in literature and the humanities in general does not necessarily involve a normative dimension, whereas critical social theory does, either through criticizing society from some general theory of values, norms, or oughts, or through criticizing it in terms of its own espoused values.


[edit] In social theory
Main article: Frankfurt School
The initial meaning of the term critical theory was that defined by Max Horkheimer of the Frankfurt School of social science in his 1937 essay Traditional and Critical Theory: Critical theory is a social theory oriented toward critiquing and changing society as a whole, in contrast to traditional theory oriented only to understanding or explaining it. Horkheimer wanted to distinguish critical theory as a radical, emancipatory form of Marxian theory, critiquing both the model of science put forward by logical positivism and what he and his colleagues saw as the covert positivism and authoritarianism of orthodox Marxism and communism. Core concepts are: (1) That critical social theory should be directed at the totality of society in its historical specificity (i.e. how it came to be configured at a specific point in time), and (2) That Critical Theory should improve understanding of society by integrating all the major social sciences, including geography, economics, sociology, history, political science, anthropology, and psychology. Although this conception of critical theory originated with the Frankfurt School, it also prevails among other recent social scientists, such as Pierre Bourdieu, Louis Althusser and arguably Michel Foucault, as well as certain feminist theorists and social scientists.

The Praxis school was a Marxist humanist philosophical movement. It originated in Zagreb and Belgrade in the SFR Yugoslavia, during the 1960s that in many ways closely linked to Frankfurt School and Critical theory. Prominent figures among the school's founders include Gajo Petrović and Milan Kangrga of Zagreb and Mihailo Marković of Belgrade. From 1964 to 1974 they published the Marxist journal Praxis, which was renowned as one of the leading international journals in Marxist theory.

This version of "critical" theory derives from Kant's (18th-century) and Marx's (19th Century) use of the term "critique", as in Kant's Critique of Pure Reason and Marx's concept that his work Das Kapital (Capital) forms a "critique of political economy". For Kant's transcendental idealism, "critique" means examining and establishing the limits of the validity of a faculty, type, or body of knowledge, especially through accounting for the limitations imposed by the fundamental, irreducible concepts in use in that knowledge system. Early on, Kant's notion associated critique with the disestablishment of false, unprovable, or dogmatic philosophical, social, and political beliefs, because Kant's critique of reason involved the critique of dogmatic theological and metaphysical ideas and was intertwined with the enhancement of ethical autonomy and the Enlightenment critique of superstition and irrational authority. Marx explicitly developed this notion into the critique of ideology and linked it with the practice of social revolution, as in the famous 11th of his "Theses on Feuerbach," "Philosophers have only interpreted the world in certain ways; the point is to change it".[1]

In the 1960s, Jürgen Habermas raised the epistemological discussion to a new level in his Knowledge and Human Interests, by identifying critical knowledge as based on principles that differentiated it either from the natural sciences or the humanities, through its orientation to self-reflection and emancipation.

The term critical theory, in the sociological or philosophical and non-literary sense, now loosely groups all sorts of work, including that of the Frankfurt School, Michel Foucault, Pierre Bourdieu, disability studies and feminist theory, that has in common the critique of domination, an emancipatory interest, and the fusion of social/cultural analysis, explanation, and interpretation with social/cultural critique.


[edit] Postmodern critical theory
While modernist critical theory (as described above) concerns itself with “forms of authority and injustice that accompanied the evolution of industrial and corporate capitalism as a political-economic system,” postmodern critical theory politicizes social problems “by situating them in historical and cultural contexts, to implicate themselves in the process of collecting and analyzing data, and to relativize their findings” (Lindlof & Taylor, 2002, p. 52). Meaning itself is seen as unstable due to the rapid transformation in social structures and as a result the focus of research is centered on local manifestations rather than broad generalizations.

Postmodern critical research is also characterized by what is called, the crisis of representation, which rejects the idea that a researcher’s work is considered an “objective depiction of a stable other” (Lindlof & Taylor, 2002, p. 53). Instead, in their research and writing, many postmodern scholars have adopted “alternatives that encourage reflection about the ‘politics and poetics’ of their work. In these accounts, the embodied, collaborative, dialogic, and improvisational aspects of qualitative research are clarified” (Lindlof & Taylor, 2002, p. 53). For an example of postmodern critical work, see Rolling’s (2008) piece, entitled Secular Blasphemy: Utter(ed) Transgressions Against Names and Fathers in the Postmodern Era.


[edit] Critical ethnography
Main article: Critical Ethnography
Critical ethnography is "a type of reflection that examines culture, knowledge, and action...Critical ethnographers describe, analyze, and open to scrutiny otherwise hidden agendas, power centers, and assumptions that inhibit, repress, and constrain" (Thomas, 1993, pp. 2–3). While "conventional ethnography" "describes what is", critical ethnography "asks what could be"….Conventional ethnographers study culture for the purposes of describing it; critical ethnographers do so to change it" (Thomas, 1993, p. 4).


[edit] In literary criticism
Main article: Literary theory
The second meaning of critical theory is that of theory used in literary criticism ("critical theory") and in the analysis and understanding of literature. This is discussed in greater detail under literary theory. This form of critical theory is not necessarily oriented toward radical social change or even toward the analysis of society, but instead specializes on the analysis of texts. It originated among literary scholars and in the discipline of literature in the 1960s and 1970s, and has really only come into broad use since the 1980s, especially as theory used in literary studies has increasingly been influenced by European philosophy and social theory.

This version of "critical" theory derives from the notion of literary criticism as establishing and enhancing the understanding and evaluation of literature in the search for truth. Some consider literary theory merely an aesthetic concern, as articulated, for example, in Joseph Addison's notion of a critic as one who helps understand and interpret literary works: "A true critic ought to dwell rather upon excellencies than imperfections, to discover the concealed beauties of a writer, and communicate to the world such things as are worth their observation."[2] This notion of criticism ultimately goes back to Aristotle's Poetics as a theory of literature.

This meaning of "critical theory" originated entirely within the humanities. There are works of literary critical theory that show no awareness of the sociological version of critical theory.


[edit] Overlap between the two versions of critical theory
Nevertheless, a certain amount of overlap has come about, initiated both from the critical social theory and the literary-critical theory sides. It was distinctive of the Frankfurt School's version of critical theory from the beginning, especially in the work of Max Horkheimer, Theodor Adorno, Walter Benjamin, Herbert Marcuse, and Leo Lowenthal, because of their focus on the role of false consciousness and ideology in the perpetuation of capitalism, to analyze works of culture, including literature, music, art, both "high culture" and "popular culture" or "mass culture." Thus it was to some extent a theory of literature and a method of literary criticism (as in Walter Benjamin's interpretation of Baudelaire and Kafka, Leo Lowenthal's interpretations of Shakespeare, Ibsen, etc., Adorno's interpretations of Kafka, Valery, Balzac, Beckett, etc.) and (see below) in the 1960s started to influence the literary sort of critical theory.


[edit] Within social theory
In the late 1960s Jürgen Habermas of the Frankfurt School, redefined critical theory in a way that freed it from a direct tie to Marxism or the prior work of the Frankfurt School. In Habermas' epistemology, critical knowledge was conceptualized as knowledge that enabled human beings to emancipate themselves from forms of domination through self-reflection and took psychoanalysis as the paradigm of critical knowledge. This expanded considerably the scope of what counted as critical theory within the social sciences, which would include such approaches as world systems theory, feminist theory, postcolonial theory, critical legal theory, critical race theory, performance studies, transversal poetics, queer theory, social ecology, the theory of communicative action (Jürgen Habermas), structuration theory, psychoanalysis and neo-Marxian theory.


[edit] Within literary theory
From the literary side, starting in the 1960s literary scholars, reacting especially against the New Criticism of the previous decades, which tried to analyze literary texts purely internally, began to incorporate into their analyses and interpretations of literary works initially semiotic, linguistic, and interpretive theory, then structuralism, Lacanian psychoanalysis, post-structuralism, and deconstruction as well as Continental philosophy, especially phenomenology and hermeneutics, and critical social theory and various other forms of neo-Marxian theory. Thus literary criticism became highly theoretical and some of those practicing it began referring to the theoretical dimension of their work as "critical theory", i.e. philosophically inspired theory of literary criticism. And thus incidentally critical theory in the sociological sense also became, especially among literary scholars of left-wing sympathies, one of a number of influences upon and streams within critical theory in the literary sense.

Furthermore, along with the expansion of the mass media and mass/popular culture in the 1960s and 1970s and the blending of social and cultural criticism and literary criticism, the methods of both kinds of critical theory sometimes intertwined in the analysis of phenomena of popular culture, as in the emerging field of cultural studies, in which concepts deriving from Marxian theory, post-structuralism, semiology, psychoanalysis and feminist theory would be found in the same interpretive work. Both strands were often present in the various modalities of postmodern theory.


[edit] Language and construction
The two points at which there is the greatest overlap or mutual impingement of the two versions of critical theory are in their interrelated foci on language, symbolism, and communication and in their focus on construction.


[edit] Language and communication
From the 1960s and 1970s onward, language, symbolism, text, and meaning became foundational to theory in the humanities and social sciences, through the short-term and long-term influences of Ludwig Wittgenstein, Ferdinand de Saussure, George Herbert Mead, Noam Chomsky, Hans-Georg Gadamer, Roland Barthes, Jacques Derrida and other thinkers in the traditions of linguistic and analytic philosophy, structural linguistics, symbolic interactionism, hermeneutics, semiology, linguistically oriented psychoanalysis (Jacques Lacan, Alfred Lorenzer), and deconstruction. When, in the 1970s and 1980s, Jürgen Habermas also redefined critical social theory as a theory of communication, i.e. communicative competence and communicative rationality on the one hand, distorted communication on the other, the two versions of critical theory began to overlap or intertwine to a much greater degree than before.


[edit] Construction
Both versions of critical theory have focused on the processes of synthesis, production, or construction by which the phenomena and objects of human communication, culture, and political consciousness come about. Whether it is through the transformational rules by which the deep structure of language becomes its surface structure (Chomsky), the universal pragmatic principles through which mutual understanding is generated (Habermas), the semiotic rules by which objects of daily usage or of fashion obtain their meanings (Barthes), the psychological processes by which the phenomena of everyday consciousness are generated (psychoanalytic thinkers), the episteme that underlies our cognitive formations (Foucault), and so on, there is a common interest in the processes (often of a linguistic or symbolic kind) that give rise to observable phenomena. Here there is significant mutual influence among aspects of the different versions of critical theory. Ultimately this emphasis on production and construction goes back to the revolution wrought by Kant in philosophy, namely his focus in the Critique of Pure Reason on synthesis according to rules as the fundamental activity of the mind that creates the order of our experience.

Wittgenstein

The Cambridge Quintet: A Work of Scientific Speculation by John L. Casti. Addison-Wesley, 181 pp., $23.
May 8, 1998

Steve Allen once created a short-lived television series called Meeting of the Minds. A deadpan Allen would introduce four guests, in period dress, drawn mostly though not exclusively from the ranks of the intellectual Immortals. Marx, Spinoza, Leonardo, and Marie Antoinette were a typical quartet; Poe, Jefferson, Aristotle, and Virginia Woolf were another. In all -- well, not all -- seriousness, the five would instantiate for half an hour the Great Conversation that is Culture. I was generally on the floor after ten minutes.

John Casti is not, like Steve Allen, a comic genius, just a veteran science writer with a streak of whimsy. But The Cambridge Quintet is an inspired conception. One rainy night in 1947, in his (and Charles Darwin’s) former rooms at Cambridge University, C. P. Snow, novelist and science advisor to the British government and soon to be famous for his pamphlet, The Two Cultures, has arranged a meeting of minds. The government wants to know whether there’s anything to the talk just then beginning to be heard about the possibility of “thinking machines.” So Snow has invited J. B. S. Haldane, Erwin Schrodinger, Alan Turing, and Ludwig Wittgenstein to dinner. Over five courses (and chapters), accompanied by sherry, Montrachet, Burgundy, and cognac, the conversation unfolds.

The four guests are, of course, bona fide Immortals. Haldane was an early and pioneering population geneticist, a prolific popularizer, and a leading (though eventually disillusioned) British Communist. Schrodinger was one of the founders of quantum mechanics, a dabbler in Eastern metaphysics, and author of the now-classic little book What Is Life? Turing, as much as anyone, launched the computer age with a series of revolutionary mathematical papers. (He also, as much as anyone, defeated the Nazis by breaking their previously impenetrable military-communications code, “Enigma.”) Wittgenstein was not only one of the most influential thinkers of the twentieth century but also one of its most influential personalities: ascetic, mystical, a kind of philosopher-saint.

What started the rumors that had so intrigued the British government was the invention of the “Turing machine.” This was not a concrete object, with bells, whistles, and wires, but rather the idea of an object with a certain structure and certain abilities. A Turing machine is something that can take in a symbol and perform a specified sequence of operations (called a “program”) on it, thereby transforming it into another symbol, which it prints out. Logics, grammars, and mathematical functions are also ways of processing symbols. Turing showed that symbol-processing has a general structure (called “computation”), which can be embodied physically, in a machine.

But, Snow asks, is computation the same as thought? Our dinner guests are off and running. In one of several attempts at explaining the implications of his mathematical findings (like Godel’s “uncertainty” principle and Schrodinger’s “indeterminacy” principle, Turing’s “computability” theorem is so abstract and general that it has myriad implications and is susceptible of many different formulations), Turing remarks that “anything at all that can be thought of as following a set of rules ... can be calculated in a similar step-by-step fashion by this kind of machine.”

This pushes the argument back a stage. Does the brain “follow rules”? Can its operations be formalized, or made explicit? What is this thing called thought? Apparently, it’s a conversation among neurons. The brain and nervous system are made up of roughly ten billion neurons, or nodes, connected by wire-like axons and dendrites, which conduct electrical impulses to and from. “Something like a giant telephone switching network,” as Haldane puts it. The neurons have a “threshhold of excitation”: if the incoming electrical impulses are strong enough, they fire off impulses in turn, which are carried to other neurons. The “on-off” pattern of all the neurons (or some subset of them) at any one time is a mental state -- in effect, a thought.

All this is strikingly analogous -- in some ways, at least -- to how a computer works. A neuron is like a computer “bit,” or storage location; “on” and “off” correspond to the 0s and 1s of the binary system; stimuli to the nervous system are the equivalent of inputs to the machine; the firing of neurons and their rearrangement into new patterns resembles the executing of instructions from a program and the consequent rearrangement of the stored data into new configurations.

That’s as much of the scientific logic as this reader could follow. Fortunately, there’s also plenty of non-technical talk. One of the more illuminating strands of the discussion, spread over several chapters, counterposes two famous thought-experiments: the “Turing test” and John Searle’s “Chinese Room” argument. (Searle’s argument, actually published in 1980, appears in The Cambridge Quintet, renamed and attributed to Wittgenstein, through fictional license.) Turing proposed a simple and ingenious test for machine intelligence. Put a person in one room, a computer in another, both connected by teletype to a person in a third room. The person in the third room types in questions, to which the other person and the computer type out replies. If the questioner cannot tell consistently which replies come from the other person and which from the computer, then the computer is intelligent. If it talks like a human ... .

Not necessarily, replies Searle/Wittgenstein. Put a person who knows no Chinese in a room with a very large manual or computer program that matches all possible questions in Chinese with appropriate answers in Chinese. Slips of paper with questions go under the door; appropriate answers come back. By Turing’s definition, the person in the room understands Chinese. But he doesn’t. Does this example invalidate the Turing test? Turing, with a little help from Schrodinger, mounts a defense, which persuaded me but not Wittgenstein.

Casti gives all the characters some good lines; but fundamentally the debate is between Turing and Wittgenstein, with Snow moderating and Haldane and Schrodinger in supporting roles. Dramatically and intellectually, this seems right: of the four, it’s their work that bears most directly on the question of artificial intelligence. Philosophically, Turing was a positivist, Wittgenstein an anti-positivist; polemically, Turing was diffident, Wittgenstein fierce. In The Cambridge Quintet, as in life, Turing was a troubled but sympathetic soul, an unworldly genius. Wittgenstein does not come off so well, but that is the book’s fault. His thought was obscure and his personality difficult, but he was not quite so dogmatic and ill-tempered as he appears here.

The Cambridge Quintet is an agreeable jeu d’esprit, though a bit thin. If it whets your appetite, go on to Daniel Dennett’s Brainstorms and Douglas Hofstadter’s Godel, Escher, Bach. But don’t expect to make up your mind. Important philosophical controversies are rarely resolved in the same terms in which they are posed. Instead we find a new vocabulary, or let the subject drop for a few decades (or centuries) and come back to it in a new form. In two hundred years, most creative work in science and mathematics will undoubtedly be done by electronic entities. But they won’t be much good at poetry or fiction; they won’t be witty or passionate; there won’t be a plasma Proust or a silicon-based Lawrence. Will they be intelligent? We’ll answer that question then by means of distinctions we don’t have a glimmer of now. That’s always how it happens.

Urban Social Processes

Urban Governance of Employment Activation. The Case of Barcelona Activa ( Spain ).
Gentile, Alessandro
Localización: http://hdl.handle.net/10261/1670


Within the framework of the “knowledge society” and the globalized economy, with the consequent processes of rescaling nation-state and improving of more horizontal modes of governance, many European urban areas carry out activation policies through their capacity to mix productive flows, foreign investments, social characteristics and local economic development. According to this perspective, activation policies have to be interpreted as territorial qualified initiatives that contribute to shape local socio-economic growth. Barcelona Activa is the local development agency of the city of Barcelona (Spain) designed for the increase of employment, business cooperation and local entrepreneurial spirit. This agency promotes Barcelona through citizenship participation and professionalization, public-private partnership and integral plans of urban marketing. I will focus my analysis both on methodological strategies and governance outlines of this agency, approaching activation policies as indispensable instruments for the improvement of Barcelona as one of the most important southern gateway to Europe.

Social Theory

Daily Life and Social History in the Middle Ages
Details about how people lived at various times and places in the Middle Ages can vary greatly and are not always available for a given society and time frame. These directories will help you find available resources.

Various Aspects of Medieval Life
These sites look at a variety of topics concerning Daily Life in the Middle Ages, including horses, jesters, life in a castle, the manor, exemplia, and more.

Chains
Slavery in the Middle Ages.
Antique Pieces
Three photographs of medieval artifacts display dozens of buckles, a knife and fork, and spurs. Provided by Wade Allen.
Do Exempla Illustrate Everyday Life?
Dense treatise by Mark D. Johnston explores the question, examining the literary genre and possible external influences in taking passages from exempla as evidence.
Jacques de Vitry: Life of the Students at Paris
A contemporary opinion on the evil behavior of raucous students at University, at Paul Halsall's Medieval Sourcebook.
The Jester Pages
Useful info about the history of the Jester, including some myth-busting, famous fools, and "foolish fashion," presented by Lisa Nelsen-Woods.
The Legacy of the Horse
Nicely illustrated examination of the place of horses in human history, at the International Museum of the Horse.
Life in a Medieval Castle
Useful information on the accomodations found in the castle, taken largely from Life in a Medieval Castle by Joseph and Frances Gies, at Jeffrey Thomas' Castles of Wales site.
Manorial Language
Useful glossary of terms relating to medieval manorial life, provided by T. J. Ray.
The Medieval Manor
A brief overview of the workings of a manorial estate and the importance of agriculture in feudal society by Professor Gerhard Rempel, Western New England College.
Paston letters and papers of the fifteenth century
Collection of documents from the Paston family, online at the Electronic Text Center, University of Virginia Library.
So What is a Tsuba?
Very interesting article by Kim Allen on the sword guard for the Japanese katana and tachi, the creation of which evolved into an art form of its own.
Tales of the Middle Ages: Daily Life
Three concise essays on hygiene and cosmetic care in medieval times, by James L. Matterer.
Chains




Slavery in the Middle Ages

When the Roman Empire fell in the fifth century, slavery, which had been such an integral part of the empire's economy, began to evolve into serfdom (an integral part of a feudal economy). Much attention is focused on the serf; his plight was not much better than the slave's had been, the primary difference being that he was bound to the land instead of to an individual owner, and could not be sold to another estate.

But slavery didn't go away.

In the earliest part of the middle ages, slaves could be found in many societies, among them the Cymry in Wales and the Anglo-Saxons in England. The Slavs of central Europe were often captured and sold into slavery, usually by rival Slavonic tribes. Moors were known to keep slaves and believed that to set a slave free was an act of great piety. Christians also owned, bought and sold slaves, as evidenced by the following:


When the Bishop of Le Mans transferred a large estate to the Abbey of St. Vincent in 572, ten slaves went with it.1


In the seventh century, the wealthy Saint Eloi bought British and Saxon slaves in batches of 50 and 100 so that he could set them free.1


A transaction between Ermedruda of Milan and a gentleman by the name of Totone recorded in 725 the price of 12 new gold solidi for a slave boy (referred to as "it" in the record). 12 solidi was much less than the cost of a horse.1


In the early ninth century, the Abbey of St. Germain des Prés listed 25 of their 278 householders as slaves.1


Pope Gregory XI excommunicated the Florentines in the fourteenth century, and ordered them enslaved wherever taken.2


In 1488, King Ferdinand sent 100 Moorish slaves to Pope Innocent VIII, who presented them as gifts to his cardinals and other court notables.2


Women slaves taken after the fall of Capua in 1501 were put up for sale in Rome.2
The ethics of the Catholic Church concerning slavery throughout the middle ages seems difficult to comprehend today. While the Church succeeded in protecting the rights and well-being of slaves, no attempt was made to outlaw the institution. Why?

One reason is economic. Slavery had been the basis of a sound economy for centuries in Rome, and it declined as serfdom slowly rose. However, it rose again when the Black Death swept Europe, dramatically reducing the population of serfs and creating a need for more forced labor.

Another reason is that slavery had been a fact of life for centuries, as well. Abolishing something so deeply entrenched in society -- all society -- would be about as likely as abolishing the use of horses for transportation.

Then there is the Christian philosophy itself. Christianity had spread like wildfire partly because it offered life after death in paradise with a Heavenly Father. Yes, life was terrible, injustice was everywhere, disease killed indiscriminately and the good died young while the evil thrived. Life on earth simply wasn't fair. But life after death was ultimately fair: the good were rewarded in Heaven and the evil were punished in Hell. This philosophy could sometimes lead to a laissez-faire attitude toward social injustice, although, as in the case of good Saint Eloi, certainly not always. And Christianity did indeed have an ameliorating effect on slavery.

Perhaps the world-view of the medieval mind can explain a great deal. Freedom and liberty are fundamental rights in twentieth-century western civilization. Upward mobility is a possibility for everyone in America today.

What could such concepts mean to any member of such a highly-structured society as Europe in the middle ages? Each individual was born into a particular class, and that class -- whether it was the powerful nobility or the largely impotent peasantry -- offered limited options and strongly-ingrained duties. Men could become knights like their fathers (or farmers like their fathers, or craftsmen like their fathers) or join the Church as monks or priests. Women could marry and become the property of their husbands instead of the property of their fathers, or they could become nuns. Occasionally, an accident of birth or an extraordinary will would help someone deviate from the course medieval society had set, but these were notable exceptions.

One way or another, medieval society had a way of keeping its people in chains.



Sources & Suggested Reading
The links below will take you to mySimon, where you can compare prices at booksellers across the web. More in-depth info about the book may be found by clicking on to the book's page at one of the online merchants.

Wittgenstein

Overcoming Structure and Agency
Talcott Parsons, Ludwig Wittgenstein and the Theory of Social Action
Anthony King
University of Exeter, UK, A.C.King@exeter.ac.uk

Since the 1960s, the later work of Ludwig Wittgenstein has had a marked influence on the social sciences. As an important sub-field, the sociology of science has drawn extensively on Wittgenstein and he has become a key reference point in debates in the philosophy of the social sciences about structure and agency. There, a number of commentators have employed Wittgenstein's `sceptical paradox' to demonstrate that the dualistic account of social reality provided by major figures in contemporary social theory such as Giddens, Bourdieu, Bhaskar and Habermas is unsustainable; it is individualist. This paper acknowledges the importance of Wittgenstein but maintains that a critique of contemporary social theory consonant with the `sceptical paradox' was already present in the sociological canon: in the form of Parsons' utilitarian dilemma in The Structure of Social Action. Accordingly, the utilitarian dilemma is recovered for current debates in order to demonstrate the enduring relevance of Parsons. Indeed, not only did Parsons provide a critique of individualism compatible with Wittgenstein's, but he actually transcended it.

Urban Social Processes

Ethno-social processes in post-Soviet Eastern Kazakhstan
Guzhvenko Julia, Barnaul State Pedagogical University, guzhvenko@eth.mpg.de
Introduction: ethno-social specificities of Eastern
Kazakhstan
Eastern Kazakhstan is an important border area. This region is
populated by two main ethnic groups – Kazakhs and Russians.
Eastern Kazakhstan can be clearly distinguished from other
Kazakhstan’s regions by its economic profile and by the fact that
before the collapse of the Soviet Union it was unofficially considered
as a “Russian” region. Russian-speakers in soviet time occupied the
labour market in the urban territory and they were the predominant
ethnic group in the towns. The Kazakhs living in the rural territory,
had lower level of education then the Russians. After the collapse of
SSSR the ethno-social structure of the population in this region has
considerably changed due to three waves of migration: immigration
of Russian population, emigration of oralmans (ethnic Kazakhs from
other countries) to Kazakhstan, internal migration of rural population
within the region to urban centers such as Ust-Kamenogorsk and
Semipalatinsk.
Introduction: ethno-social specificities of Eastern
Kazakhstan
After the breaking down of the Soviet Union rural Kazakhs started to
migrate in urban centers because of an economic and agrarian
crisis. From that moment one generation of Kazakhs have grown up
with soviet education and they were able to work and study in
towns. In other words, the Kazakh population have entered in the
industrial type of society. Kazakhs started to occupy the labour
niches which had been Russian-speaker’s prerogative before. This
process sharply intensifies nationalistic feelings.
References
1 Gellner E. Nations and nationalism. M., 1991 Геллнер Э. Нации и национализм.
М.: Прогресс, 1991
2 Alaolmolki N. Life after the Soviet Union: the new independent republics of
Transcaucasus and Central Asia. State University of New York, 2001; Tishkov V.
Ethnicity, nationalism and conflict in and after The Soviet Union. London, 1997
Scientific Approach
Significance
Ethnic and/or social tension?
The exploration of the ethno-social processes and interethnic
relations in Eastern Kazakhstan is much-requested in face of the
fact that in 2007 president Putin have initiated a program with the
goal to attract Russians from abroad to migrate to Russia. The
borderland of Eastern Kazakhstan and its ethnic specificities allow
considering the region as a potential donor region for Russia (in
2005 statistics showed 43% Russians in Eastern Kazakhstan). The
possible emigration of the Russian-speaker population from Eastern
Kazakhstan might “play” a significant role in the demographic
development of Russia’s border region.
My research is based on E. Gellner’s conception of modernization
which is postulated that there is only three stages of development of
a society (hunter-gather, agrarian and industrial societies). In E.
Gellner’s opinion in periods when transition from an agrarian society
to an industrial one occurs nationalism feelings intensify. He
underlines that the cruelest are those phases of nationalism which
accompany early industrialization. E. Gellner explains that in such
periods unstable social situation occurs and representatives of
nationalities different from the dominating one are accused for the
political, economical and educational inequality After the breaking down of the Soviet Union rural Kazakhs started to
migrate in urban centers because of an economic and agrarian
crisis. From that moment one generation of Kazakhs have grown up
with soviet education and they were able to work and study in
towns. In other words, the Kazakh population have entered in the
industrial type of society. Kazakhs started to occupy the labour
niches which had been Russian-speaker’s prerogative before. This
process sharply intensifies nationalistic feelings.
References
1 Gellner E. Nations and nationalism. M., 1991 Геллнер Э. Нации и национализм.
М.: Прогресс, 1991
2 Alaolmolki N. Life after the Soviet Union: the new independent republics of
Transcaucasus and Central Asia. State University of New York, 2001; Tishkov V.
Ethnicity, nationalism and conflict in and after The Soviet Union. London, 1997

Ethnic and/or social tension?
The exploration of the ethno-social processes and interethnic
relations in Eastern Kazakhstan is much-requested in face of the
fact that in 2007 president Putin have initiated a program with the
goal to attract Russians from abroad to migrate to Russia. The
borderland of Eastern Kazakhstan and its ethnic specificities allow
considering the region as a potential donor region for Russia (in
2005 statistics showed 43% Russians in Eastern Kazakhstan). The
possible emigration of the Russian-speaker population from Eastern
Kazakhstan might “play” a significant role in the demographic
development of Russia’s border region.
My research is based on E. Gellner’s conception of modernization
which is postulated that there is only three stages of development of
a society (hunter-gather, agrarian and industrial societies). In E.
Gellner’s opinion in periods when transition from an agrarian society
to an industrial one occurs nationalism feelings intensify. He
underlines that the cruelest are those phases of nationalism which
accompany early industrialization. E. Gellner explains that in such
periods unstable social situation occurs and representatives of
nationalities different from the dominating one are accused for the
political, economical and educational inequality[1].
Fig. I New bridge in Semipalatinsk which was constructed in 1999
Ukrainians, 1.1%
Germans, 2.1%
Russians, 45.4% Kazakhs, 48.5%
Kazakhs
Russians
Ukrainians
Germans
Ethnic structure of Eastern Kazakstan (data of 1999 sensus)
The researches about ethnic problems and national policy in
post-Soviet Central Asia testify that authors tend to exaggerate
role and importance of ethnicity in everyday life in Kazakhstan[2].
Study of imagination on interethnic relations between Kazakhs
and Russians, the inhabitant’s reaction on economic reforms,
linguistic policy might reveal diverse factors which influence on
social tensions and conflicts in Eastern Kazakhstan. The most
important point is to define when social contradictions are
transmuted in ethnic ones, that is not only interethnic antagonism
“Russians – Kazakhs”, but also contradiction between different
social groups within one ethnic group “urban Kazakhs – rural
Kazakhs”.
Significance
Ethnic and/or social tension?
The exploration of the ethno-social processes and interethnic
relations in Eastern Kazakhstan is much-requested in face of the
fact that in 2007 president Putin have initiated a program with the
goal to attract Russians from abroad to migrate to Russia. The
borderland of Eastern Kazakhstan and its ethnic specificities allow
considering the region as a potential donor region for Russia (in
2005 statistics showed 43% Russians in Eastern Kazakhstan). The
possible emigration of the Russian-speaker population from Eastern
Kazakhstan might “play” a significant role in the demographic
development of Russia’s border region.
Acknowledgement
This research project has been supported by a Marie
Curie Early Stage Research Training Fellowship of
the European Community’s Sixth Framework Programme
under contract number MEST-CT-2005-
020702 within the project European Partnership for
Qualitative Research Training (Social Anthropology).